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AMERICAN STATESMEN 

EDITED BY 

JOHN T. MORSE, JR. 

IN THIRTY-TWO VOLUMES 

VOL. XXIV. 



DOMESTIC POLITICS: THE TARIFF 
AND SLAVERY 

LEWIS CASS 





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HOUGHTON. MIFI'LIN & CO, 



American ^tate^men 



LEWIS CASS 



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ANDREW c. McLaughlin 

PEOFESSOR OF AMERICAN HISTORY IN THE 
ONIVBRSITY OF iUCHlGAN 






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BOSTON AXD XKW YORK 

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COPYRIGHT, 1891 AND 1899, BY ANDREW C. McLAXIGHLIN 

COPYRIGHT, 1899, BY HOUGHTON. MTFFLIN & CO. 

ALI. RIGHTS RESERVED 



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PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION 

This volume does not pretend to give a com- j 

plete and detailed account of the life of Lewis \ 

Cass. Even some of tlie more important facts in 
his public career are omitted, or only alluded to in 
passing. He has been studied as a representative 
of the old Northwest, and one of the chief purposes 
of the book is to show the development of that 
section, to trace the growth of its political life. 
Evidently this could not be done in detail ; all the 
manifestations of the Western spirit could not be 
dwelt upon, nor was it possible to estimate exactly 
the power and influence of Western sentiment in 
the councils of the nation, or to weigh accurately 
the Western ingredient in our national character. 
But students of American history have come to 
see that the course of events is not explicable if 
one pays attention to the work and the princi- 
ples of Eastern men alone, and I am led to believe 
that, by studying the career of a man who thor- 
oughly embodied for many years the nature of the 
newer West as it was before the civil war, I may 
have thrown some light upon the general history of 



vi PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION 

the United States. Whether I have succeeded in 
this or not, one may say with confidence that a 
series of American statesmen would not be com- 
plete if it did not contain the biography of a 
typical Northwestern man, and show some appre- 
ciation of the fact that one of America's heaviest 
tasks and greatest achievements was to transform a 
wilderness into populous, organized communities, 
and that, as years went by, this Western country, 
full of eager, active, energetic men, who were made 
by natural circumstances self-confident and assert- 
ive, impressed itself upon the national life, and 
did something to shape the destinies of the United 
States. Some of the acts of Cass, which I be- 
lieved, when preparing the first edition of this 
book, were due in large measure to personal char- 
acteristics or peculiarities, I have come to look 
upon as somewhat representative. His continuous, 
unbending o^jposition to England, for example, 
seems to have been a part of the exuberant patri- 
otic enthusiasm of the West; and coupled with 
this was the feeling of " manifest destiny," which 
undoubtedly influenced him when considering such 
questions as the annexation of Texas and the " re- 
occupation " of the whole of Oregon. 

In the preparation of this revised edition, I have 
not thought it best to make many changes. I have 
added something to the text of the first edition, 



PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION vii 

ill 



and have made a few clianges that seemed to me to 
be desirable. I have altered slightly the account 
of the surrender of Hull, thinking that the state- 
ment did not make sufficient allowance for the 
difficulties with which he was surrounded, and that 
it did not sufficiently take into consideration the 
fact that to some extent he was the victim of an 
incompetent military administration. But on the 
whole the judgments of the earlier edition must 
stand as they were first written. 

Little material was found ready at hand for 
writing this biography, and I have been somewhat 
hampered by not having the correspondence or 
any considerable quantity of the private papers of 
Cass. Mr. W. L. G. Smith, while writing " The 
Life and Times of Lewis Cass," seems to have 
had access to a diary kept by Cass when on a tour 
to Greece and the farther East. Of the original I 
have found no trace, and have felt at liberty to 
refer to Mr. Smith's excerpts. In other particu- 
lars the pages of the public documents and of 
established authorities have furnished me with 
materials. I have not attempted to strengthen my 
assertions by reference to my sources of informa- 
tion ; but in a few instances I have indicated by 
a footnote the material used, when I have con- 
sciously taken a suggestion from a secondary writer 
or borrowed a phrase or statement of fact. Occa- 



viii PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION 

sionally a novel or important assertion has been 
supported by a reference to authority. 

To those who are unacquainted with the details 
of the life of Cass, it may seem that I have given 
him praise where none was due, and at times made 
forced and unjustifiable excuses. This is the nat- 
ural failing of a biographer ; but I believe now, as 
I did when preparing the first edition, that on the 
whole my estimate is not far from right, although 
I admit, of course, that I may be mistaken, know- 
ing how difficult is the task of forming such a 
judgment. While preparing the book I conferred 
with political foes of Cass as well as political 
friends, and found a remarkable consensus of 
opinion. I am not ready to believe that, if he was, 
as is often charged, a time-server and a " dough- 
face," bartering the approval of his conscience 
in exchange for political preferment, the men 
whom I consulted, and whom I knew to be men 
of probity and sound judgment, who were well 
acquainted with Cass in his lifetime, and some of 
whom were his earnest political opponents, would 
have had unswerving confidence in his sincerity. 
I may venture here to call the attention of the 
reader to a fact mentioned in the text and given on 
the testimony of the late Alpheus Felch, that the 
Michigan delegation in Congress approved of the 
Nicholson letter before it was published, which 



PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION ix 

certainly is an indication that it was not a mere 
political subterfuge, but was the expression of 
honest opinion. 

In the preparation of this book I received valu- 
able suggestions from James V. Campbell, Isaac 
P. Christiancy, George V. N. Lothrop, and Al- 
pheus Felch. AU these persons were well ac- 
quainted with the public career of Cass, and three 
of them knew him intimately. I obtained some 
material through the kindness of the late Charles 
H. Bell of Exeter, New Hampshire. Grateful 
acknowledgments are also due to Professor Isaac 
N. Demmon, and to Professor Thomas M. Cooley, 
the learned writer on Michigan history. 

ANDREW c. McLaughlin. 

Univeksitt of Michigan, 
April 18, 1898. 



CONTENTS 

CHAP. fA«^ 

I. The Old Northwest 1 

II. Early Life 34 

III. The War of 1812 53 

rV. Governor of Michigan Territory . . 88 

V. Secretary of War 133 

VI. Minister to France 161 

VII. A Democratic Leader ; The Election of 1844 197 
VIII. Senator ; Candidate for the Presidency ; 

Squatter Sovereignty 225 X 

IX. Senator; The Compromise of 1850 . . 262 > 
X. The Kepeal of the Missouri Compromise ; The 

Northwest forms a New Party . . . 293 X 
XI. Secretary of State; Secession; The Last 

Years 328 

Index 367 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



A- 



Lbwis Cass Frontispiece 

From a photograph by Brady in the Library of the 
State Department at Washington. 

Autograph from the Chamberlain collection, Boston 
Public Library. 

The vignette of Mr. Cass's home, Detroit, Mich., is 
from a drawing, after a photograph furnished by C. M. 
Burton. Esq., of that city. Page 

William Hull facing 84 K' 

From a painting by Rembrandt Peale, after Stuart, in 
the possession of Hull's grand-daughter, Mrs. Sterling 
Smith, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

Autograph from the Chamberlain collection, Boston 
Public Library. 
Facsimile of Lewis Cass's Handwriting . . . facing 110 ^ 

Letter written January 12, 1828, to John C. Calhoun. 
From the original in the possession of the Historical So- 
ciety of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. 
James Buchanan facing 206 ^ 

From a photograph by Brady in the Library of the 
State Department at Washington. 

Autograph from the Cliamberlain collection, Boston 
Public Library. 
Howell Cobb facing .328 ^'' 

From a photograph by Brady in the Library of the 
State Department at Washington. 

Autograph from the Chamberlain collection, Boston 
Public Library. 



LEWIS CASS 



CHAPTER I 
THE OLD NORTHWEST 

The five States north of the Ohio Kiver form 
an historical and a geogi-aphical unit. They have 
their individual peculiarities, but possess common 
traditions and doubtless a common destiny. Their 
history does not begin with the Ordinance of 1787. 
Lons: before this characteristic American constitu- 
tion was passed, or the Puritan of New England 
sought a new home west of the Alleghanies, this 
portion of our country had its records and its an- 
nals. In its later development under American 
auspices it felt the fashioning influences of the past. 
Tendencies strengthened by age cannot be counter- 
acted in a moment. Time and trial are necessary 
elements in such a transformation as that which 
rejuvenated the old Northwest, filled it with vigor, 
with energetic American life and modern zeal for 
industry and political activity. The United States 
was the third power to occupy it. The earlier 
tenures by France and England furnished obsta- 
cles in the way of later American progress. 



2 LEWIS CASS 

The Northwest is the first foster child of the 
Eepublic. The principles of Americanism now 
seem inborn and inbred; but foster child it is, and 
its growth has been influenced by its parentage 
and early training. Into parts of the country 
north of the Ohio the people from the South and 
East came suddenly and in swarms, which changed 
the face of nature so quickly that the historian has 
been content with exclamation. But Michigan 
was not thus re-clothed and energized in a mo- 
ment. Wisconsin lagged and shuffled in her pro- 
gress. Even Illinois and Indiana were slightly 
retarded by inherited incumbrances. It is true 
that "north of the Ohio the regular array went 
first," ^ and the settler followed in its wake. But 
the regular army does not transform and renovate 
or sweep away on its bayonets the customs of a 
century's growth. 

American statesmanship is not confined to 
waging political warfare or to winning victories of 
diplomacy. A good portion of the life of Lewis 
Cass was spent in striving to Americanize Mich- 
igan and other portions of the Northwest, to intro- 
duce popular government, modern methods of legal 
procedure, modern habits of life, modern civiliza- 
tion. In the development of Michigan from terri- 
torial confusion and uncertainty to the order of 
statehood, there were constant exertions to over- 
come inertia and to break away from the sluggish 
forces of the past. While guiding and directing 
^ Roosevelt, Winning of the West, vol. i. p. 24. 



THE OLD NORTHWEST 3 

these exertions, while inculcating democratic ideas, 
while holding forth attractions to settlers, while 
struggling for the independence of the Northwest 
against British aggressions, Cass was performing 
the work of a national statesman and his efforts 
were of national concern. 

Popular government was but slowly introduced 
into a territory which had been long contentedly 
under the sway of absolutism. Sault de Ste. 
Marie was established fourteen years before Phila- 
delphia; Detroit but nineteen years after her 
Quaker sister. And yet, a hundred and twenty- 
five years after Penn begged his colonists not to 
be "so governmentish," the inhabitants of Mich- 
igan were living without capacity to appreciate or 
desire to know the delights of political controver- 
sies, which were so dear to the Americans of the 
coast. For more than a century after the explo- 
ration of the Northwest its history pertained to 
that of Canada, and that portion of the country, 
which was first settled and first came under Cana- 
dian influence, was the last to free itself from 
trammels of Celtic bondage and provincial igno- 
rance. 

The French with gracious ease seemed to insinu- 
ate themselves into the western country, following 
the watercourses as great highways to the unex- 
plored interior. Long before the Institutional 
Englishman plodded his way westward to the Alle- 
ghanies, the Frenchman had traversed the country 
of the Great Lakes and the Mississippi valley, 



4 LEWIS CASS 

and was familiar with the haunts o£ the beaver. 
The proselyting spirit of religion and the spirit 
of trade vied with each other in efforts to lead the 
way. Early in the seventeenth century, EecoUet 
fathers landed at Quebec, prepared to begin a 
work of conversion among the Indians. Five 
years before the founding of Plymouth Champlain 
knew something of the great West. Gradually, 
by way of the Ottawa River and Georgian Bay, 
the Western country was discovered, French sol- 
dier or priest boldly entering unexplored rivers 
or skirting the coasts of unknown lakes with calm 
courage or with a simple faith which drove out 
fear. Wisconsin was known before Rhode Island 
was settled; and the hardy Jesuits began their 
work in northern Michigan before Puritanism had 
more than emerged from behind its stockades in 
a corner of rocky New England. 

But the Iroquois could not be charmed by 
chanted vespers nor softened by Christian influ- 
ence. The priest endured tortures and prayed 
without ceasing and without avail. Had he been 
successful, the Indians of western New York and 
northern Ohio would have been won over to pur- 
poses of French statecraft. They would have 
become an implacable enemy to Dutch aggression, 
an impassable barrier to the advance of English 
traders. As it was, England's enemies were pushed 
northwest into the upper lake region, and the Ohio 
valley was kept by the savage, until the English 
farmer, in response to demands of trade and agri- 



THE OLD NORTHWEST 6 

culture, carried with him over the mountains the 
Penates of a constitutional state. Ohio had no 
history until the American colonist was ready to 
enter the country, ready to establish there real 
nerve centres of English influence, real vital and 
life-giving homes of English politics and English 
civilization. 

There is nothing more interesting in the course 
of history. The heathen and savage guarded till 
the fuUness of time a land destined to become the 
home of American constitutionalism, not to be 
blighted by imposed governments ordained by 
Richelieu and the state-absorbing monarchs of 
France. Long after Illinois and Wisconsin were 
known and their rivers described with some pre- 
tense at accuracy, Ohio was a terra incognita, the 
shores of Lake Erie unknown, the Ohio and the 
Wabash confused. Not till after the middle of 
the last century was there anything like an accu- 
rate knowledge of that portion of the Northwest 
which was nearest to English settlements and 
naturally the most accessible to the French. Even 
the Connecticut Land Company in 1796 found, 
by its surveys, that the Connecticut Reserve had 
a million acres less than geographical ignorance 
had anticipated. 1 This explains to some extent 
why the occupancy of Ohio, signalized by the 
landing of the "new pilgrims," at Marietta, differs 
from the occupation of many other portions of the 
Northwest. 

1 Hinsdale, The Old Northwest. 



6 LEWIS CASS 

Neither the daring voyages of Hennepin, whose 
lies reveal a glimmer of truth and cloud an envi- 
able reputation, nor the explorations of Joliet and 
Marquette need be recounted here. The journey 
of La Salle, who in 1682 floated his canoe down 
the Mississippi and took possession of the country 
in the name of King Louis, proclaimed the birth 
of New France with its two heads, as Parkman 
has so graphically expressed it, one in the cane- 
brakes of Louisiana and the other amid the snows 
of Canada. But the task of connecting these two 
heads, of vitalizing the whole monster, of filling 
its veins with life-giving blood, was difficult and 
in the end impossible. Efforts were strenuously 
made to hold firmly the portions first known to 
French influence. Jesuits and traders settled in 
Wisconsin and Michigan. In 1671 Saint-Lusson, 
in solemn fashion, in presence of Indian braves 
and Frenchmen at the Sault, took possession of 
the surrounding country with overawing pomj) and 
splendor. The great historian of French America 
may well suggest that all that remains of this 
pompous sovereignty is the "accents of France on 
the lips of some straggling boatman or vagabond 
half-breed." Yet this occupancy meant the intro- 
duction of French ideas, of French methods and 
policy of state, of French civilization guarded or 
retarded by the dictates of an absolute monarch. 
It meant that a century and a half was to pass 
before Michigan could cast aside her foreign trap- 
pings and take her place as a prosperous Ameri- 



THE OLD NORTHWEST 7 

can territory with progressive American ideas. 
Ohio, which hardly knew the face of a white man 
until the New Englander came over the mountains 
with school-book and hymnal in his hands, was 
ready for statehood in fifteen years from that im- 
migration. Michigan had to serve a dreary and 
necessary tutelage of nearly one hundred and sev- 
enty-five years from its first settlement before it 
struggled irregularly to its place beside the neigh- 
boring States. Wisconsin, discovered by the 
pushing fur trader two hundred and fifty years 
ago, has seen only within the last half century 
the beginnings of agricultural and manufacturing 
life. 

The fur trade induced the French to take pos- 
session of Michigan and to hold it against all 
English aggression. Late in the seventeenth cen- 
tury there were efforts on the part of the English 
of New York to attract the Indians with Engflish 
goods and rum, but all efforts to turn the fur trade 
from Montreal to New York were unavailing. If 
these attempts had been successful, the history of 
the northern lake region would have been totally 
different. Michigan would L~-e been an English 
colony before Georgia, and in all probability would 
not for a century have lagged behind that State 
in progress. Nothing but concentrated and patri- 
otic action could win the Northwest to England. 
For Louis XIV. took thought for the fur trade, 
and every element of Canadian progress or failure 
was of interest to him. He "subsidized nearly 



8 LEWIS CASS 

every branch of trade and industry, and in other 
instances did for the colonists what they would far 
better have learned to do for themselves." ^ What- 
ever revenue he obtained from Canada was derived 
from the fur trade, and this trade must be sup- 
ported by the power and cunning of France. He 
was ready to salve his conscience with the state- 
ment that brandy not only secured the trade of 
Indians but drew them from English Protestantism 
within the blessed influences of the true religion.'^ 
Yet the Northwest was really held for France 
by those whom Governor Denonville himself de- 
scribed as the damaging element in Canadian life. 
The fur trade was " hardy, adventurous, fascina- 
ting." Every effort was made to keep it under 
the control of the government, that the king might 
find remuneration for vast outlays and that the 
colonists might not feel its fascinations too strongly. 
Trade was put in a straight- jacket and chained to 
Montreal; monopoly succeeded monopoly in suc- 
cessive failures. But trade is aggressive if it ex- 
ists at all, and it broke from its fastenings and 
flung away restraints. The Indians were inter- 
cepted on their way to Montreal, were "drenched 
with brandy," and their beaver skins bought for 
a song. Finally the adventurous and reckless 
among the settlers fled to the western woods, where 
they might live or trade as they desired. These 
law-breakers did now for France the work which 

1 Parkman's Old Regime in Canada, p. 284. 

2 Ibid. p. 327. 



THE OLD NORTHWEST 9 

she was not quite ready to do for herself. These 
wandering bush-rangers held the Northwest against 
the English, and became the first white settlers 
of the Northern States. The English of New 
York were feeling their way in the direction of 
the fur country, and even before the end of the 
seventeenth century the Northwest might have 
fallen into the grasping clutches of English trade, 
to be settled by Englishmen and ruled with Eng- 
lish methods, if the hardy, lawless coureur des 
bois had not pushed his way into the coveted coun- 
try. 

The bush-rangers hated England and adored 
the France whose laws they disregarded. They 
established trading posts throughout the wilder- 
ness some years before they made the attempt at 
permanent settlement. With an accurate know- 
ledge of the topography of the country they took 
positions which in later years have been singled 
out for purposes of trade as well as defensive war- 
fare. Du Lhut established a post on the northern 
shore of Lake Superior to prevent the possible 
approach of the Hudson Bay Company from the 
north. Governor Denonville was obliged to ask 
this man, who at one time was in danger of attract- 
ing all the youths of New France to the woods, to 
fortify the straits as a barrier to English advance 
in the South. In spite of restrictive laws and the 
displeasure of Louis himself, who, with a natural 
love of order and method, was sorely annoyed at 
the irregularities of the straggling coureurs des 



10 LEWIS CASS 

bois, who seemed to be destroying his fondest 
hopes of systematic and concentrated settlement 
along the St. Lawrence; in spite also of hardships 
and privations, the reckless bush-rangers increased 
in nmnbers, until it was said that every family of 
quality in Canada could count its friends and re- 
latives among the rollicking outlaws, while the 
despairing English, longing for the beaver of Mich- 
igan, announced that they too must have "bush 
lopers." 

A "picturesque" element were these men in the 
life of early Canada, picturesque on their return 
to brawl and gamble in the settlements after a 
long, successful journey of fur himting, and "ar- 
tistic,"^ as with courage and reckless thoughtless- 
ness they made their way into the western wilder- 
ness. But they were more than picturesque and 
artistic. They early influenced the savages to 
hate the English, and to look upon the French as 
their allies, and this was of vast importance in the 
after efforts for domination. Moreover, with a 
marvelous adaptability, many assumed Indian hab- 
its and ingratiated themselves by becoming In- 
dians. After years of law-breaking or wood-ran- 
ging, unused to the amenities of civilization or the 
restraints of law, they settled through the western 
country with Indian wives or concubines, raised a 
brood of half-breed children, and passed their days 
in worse than savage idleness. 

When the time came to change French for Eng- 

1 Parkman'a Old Regime in Canada, 



THE OLD NORTHWEST 11 

lish control, the Indians reluctantly consented, and 
down to tlie middle of the present century, although 
the British were generally preferred to the Ameri- 
cans, the French were greatly preferred to either. 
"Whatever may have been the reason," said Gov- 
ernor Cass, "the fact is certain that there is in 
the French character peculiar adaptations to the 
habits and feelings of the Indians, and to this day 
the period of French domination is the era of all 
that is happy in Indian reminiscences."^ At the 
Sault de Ste. Marie, in 1826, a Chippewa chief, 
addressing the American agent, thus pathetically 
referred to the happy days of the French dominion 
in the West: "When the Frenchmen arrived at 
these falls they came and kissed us. They called 
us children and we found them fathers. We lived 
like brethren in the same lodge, and we had always 
wherewithal to clothe us. They never mocked at 
our ceremonies, and they never molested the places 
of our dead. Seven generations of men have 
passed away, but we have not forgotten it. Just, 
very just, were they towards us."^ 

"The French empire in America," says Park- 
man, "could exhibit among its subjects every 
shade of color from white to red, every gradation 
of culture from the highest civilization of Paris 
to the rudest barbarism of the wigwam." ^ The 
savoir vivre of these people displayed itself. With 

1 Historical Sketches of Michigan, p. 24. 

2 Mrs. Jameson, Winter Studies, etc. p. 130. 
8 Conspiracy of Pontiac, p. 69. 



12 LEWIS CASS 

their influence over the Indians and their traditions 
of inertia, their hatred of innovation and their 
utter lack of ability to understand constitutional 
principles or legal procedure, they formed a con- 
ditioning element in the development of the West. 
An experienced observer writing in 1845 assures 
us that the average French-Canadian voyageur 
had less perception and general intellectual capa- 
city than his Indian companion.^ These men, and 
their fathers before them, living in ignorance, fell 
to a plane below the ignorant savage with whom 
they mingled. At the present day the half-breeds 
form a large shiftless element among the woods- 
men of the northern lake region. Many of these 
bush-rangers, leading Indian lives, were scattered 
among the western tribes, but besides these a large 
number of watermen, retired from active employ- 
ment, formed rude settlements along the streams 
and bays which open into the great lakes. Here 
in imambitious content they spent their lives and 
perpetuated their lazy characteristics in a numer- 
ous progeny. Often Indian wives tilled the fields 
while the gossiping voyageur smoked away the 
day. In some of the more regular settlements 
there were French women, and though there was 
a remarkable ignorance of agricultural methods, 
the men succeeded in raising enough to keep their 
families in comfort. 

The first settlements in Wisconsin were all of 
this irregular kind. Retired watermen, in their 

^ H. R. Schoolcraft, Onioia. 



THE OLD NORTHWEST 13 

narrow farms fronting the river, lived in blissful 
ignorance of any aim in life except to live. The 
coureur des bois settled thus as fancy dictated. 
Such an irresponsible settlement was the one at 
Prairie du Chien. And a like settlement grad- 
ually grew up at Green Bay, begun near the mid- 
dle of the last century, and slowly augmented by 
the advent of unemployed engagees. Their small 
farms were tiUed with care sufficient to secure the 
necessary crops of wheat and peas. At the begin- 
ning of this century it was impossible to tell what 
blood flowed in the veins of the settlers. There 
was only one woman, we are told, in the latter 
settlement who pretended to be "all white," and 
she had been "accidentally" imported. Neverthe- 
less the manners of these simple people were fas- 
cinating, for in spite of the admixture of the blood 
of the red man, who has his own dignity and stately 
ease, they never lost the graces of old France. 
Here at Green Bay there were good examples of 
what these semi-French conceived to be govern- 
ment. Many are the amusing stories of how Jus- 
tice Reaume, in patriarchal fashion, enforced his 
own sweet will as the law of the land. Well on 
in the present century, when Wisconsin was fairly 
under American government and there was an ef- 
fort to introduce popular methods, this curious old 
justice knew much more of Coutume de Paris 
than of the common law. His jackknife in the 
hands of an extemporized constable performed the 
functions of a common seal, and he gave his unique 



14 LEWIS CASS 

decisions in his broad French or broken English 
without reference to anything but the law of preju- 
dice. 

Turning to Michigan, we find there various 
settlements of this kind, founded under similar 
conditions; but these did not become centres of 
growth and development under the French regime. 
Michigan was the home of the beaver, and the 
French authorities soon realized the importance of 
securing this portion of the West by responsible 
settlements. La Motte Cadillac seems first to 
have entertained the idea of making "the straits" 
a centre of French control in the West, to defend 
the fur trade, prevent English encroachments, and 
assure permanent influence over the neighboring 
Indian tribes. Already renowned as a faithful 
officer and soldier, he at last gained the end of his 
desires, and in 1701 reached Detroit with his com- 
pany of soldiers and artisans. These early settlers 
were not lowborn or lawless. Everything was 
conducted in an orderly and systematic manner, 
imder the auspices of government. The slur 
passed upon the citizens of Detroit by Governor 
Hull and Judge Woodward in October, 1805, 
was a needless one. "When it is remembered," 
they said, "that the troops of Louis XIV. came 
without women, the description of persons consti- 
tuting the second generation wiU not be difficult 
to conceive."^ La Hontan's graphic description 
of how women were sent over in cargoes to become 
1 Michigan Pioneer Col., vol. viii. p. 404.^ 



THE OLD NORTHWEST 15 

the wives of the Canadian settlers is well known. 
Mother Mary, not entirely pleased with such con- 
signments of mixed goods ("wwe marchandaise 
melee^\ complained of ^^beaucoup de scandale.^^ 
Doubtless Canada has been feebly blessed by these 
persons and their descendants. But such were 
not the early settlers of Detroit. The whole his- 
tory of that city shows that the residents were of 
no mean birth, surely not in a demoralized condi- 
tion, or from a low and depraved ancestry. Into 
various portions of Canada many respectable and 
even noble persons immigrated, and the permanent 
settlements of Michigan were not less favored. 

For various reasons Detroit developed bvit slowly 
after this auspicious foundation. At times the 
French authorities were unfriendly to colonization. 
They were encouraged in their hostility by the mis- 
sionaries on the one hand, who feared the vices of 
civilization, and who desired that the Indians should 
come in contact with none but themselves, and by 
the fur trader on the other, who was naturally 
averse to the advance of the homes of men into 
the midst of the lodges of the beaver. Moreover 
there was no instinctive appreciation of the fitness 
of things. Land was granted under the most ab- 
surd feudal restrictions, so to be held until Ameri- 
can practical sense disposed of the absurdities. 
The place was, however, a centre of French influ- 
ence in the West, and gradually assumed perma- 
nence and a degree of prosperity. It was not an 
iU-formed, straggling village, where rough water- 



16 LEWIS CASS 

men and half-breeds passed their lazy lives. We 
have reason to believe that from the first there 
was comfort, and occasionally even an approach to 
elegance, in the houses that clustered in and around 
the stockade. For some of the early townsmen 
were artisans, who desired by work and by a very 
moderate thrift to establish themselves and their 
families in comfort. It will not do, however, to 
banish entirely from the colony the picturesque 
bush-ranger. The town, which had been placed 
in the very midst of his hunting grounds, was 
often visited when savings were to be squandered 
in merriment and riot; the descendants of these 
happy trappers and watermen were the boatmen 
of the earlier part of this century ; their frail ca- 
noes carried Cass to many a treaty ground, from 
Detroit to the head of Lake Superior, to Green 
Bay or Chicago. 

Seventy-five years ago Detroit was still a French 
settlement, and fifteen years ago its French char- 
acteristics were evident to the stranger in a casual 
visit to the city. The few Scotch who came in 
during the latter years of the English dominion 
affiliated with the French and appreciated their 
conservatism. In consequence of this ancestry, 
there has always been a steadiness and sobriety in 
business and a caution and reserve in society. It 
has not felt until recently the stir of American 
life as has Buffalo, or Cleveland placed in the 
heart of "New Connecticut." It can scarcely be 
doubted that conservative French Catholicism has 



THE OLD NORTHWEST 17 

had its influence in giving a peculiar tone and set- 
ting a dignified pace. It is true that after Detroit 
had been ostensibly an American city for forty 
years, the introduction of New England life gave 
the town a look of prosperity and activity which 
was lacking to the Canadian towns across the river. 
But the comparison rather accentuates than con- 
tradicts the previous assertions. Not long ago, 
easily within the memory of men now living in De- 
troit, the well-to-do French peasant held his acres 
and refused twice their value, or demanded per- 
haps that the city put a rail-fence on each side 
of the street which eminent domain had forced 
through his land. In 1818 the people of Michigan 
refused to take upon themselves the popular privi- 
leges offered by the charter of 1787. A number 
of other examples might be given of how conserva- 
tism has influenced Michigan and its chief city in 
their development into modern American life. 

For a long time Detroit was practically Michi- 
gan. For French and American tendencies are 
different. If the Americans had first settled 
Michigan, the farmer would have pressed into the 
country in the footsteps of the fur trader, farms 
would have appeared in secluded places in the 
forests, and a town would have grown up from 
natural causes and developed as the needs of the 
farming community of the back-country dictated. 
But as the gTCgarious and social tendencies of the 
French have made Paris the centre of their life, 
so in the western woods aU roads led to the rude 



18 LEWIS CASS 

metropolis, and it had an unusual dignity and 
importance. We are enabled, therefore, to con- 
centrate our attention; and in examining with 
some care the life of Detroit and its vicinity we 
shall see the lives of the better element of the 
French settlers in the northwest. Their habits 
are the best guide-posts to their characters, and 
best indicate the peculiar position of these people 
in northwestern history. 

Down to 1763 the city grew slowly by the im- 
migration of discharged soldiers or settlers from 
Canada. In the time of the English domination 
there came a few English traders and a few canny 
Scotch with their habits of thrift and deftness. 
But the French habitant does not allow his ease to 
be interfered with. Everywhere the world pre- 
sents the same roseate hue to his contented vision. 
After 1796 some Americans, making their way 
into the territory, jostle him about a little, insist 
on trial by jury, talk to him of popular elections 
and other incomprehensible problems, suggest the 
idea that Detroit may become a great commercial 
centre. He is called upon by an impudent inves- 
tigating committee to show the title deeds to the 
farm which his father and father's father held be- 
fore him. A look of uncertainty and mild inquiry 
occasionally appears on his placid face. The nar- 
row streets are filled with Indians rushing to ex- 
change their peltries for American goods, and to 
pay enormous prices for inferior articles. After 
the war of 1812 a few Marietta settlers find their 



THE OLD NORTHWEST 19' 

way to the Straits, and a few educated families 
from New England form a conspicuous element in 
the city's life. But the Frenchman passes this all 
by with a shrug at the curious activity of the en- 
ergetic " Bostonais.'' His social life flows smoothly 
on in the same old channels. Until the people 
from New England and New York begin to pour 
into the territory through the newly-opened Erie 
canal, one can trace few changes in the general 
characteristics of the place. Detroit in the first 
quarter of this century has still the tint of a by- 
gone age. One feels, as he looks at her, that he 
has slipped back into the Middle Ages, long before 
there was any prophetic consciousness of the dust, 
din, and uproar of the busy and scientific nine- 
teenth century. He sees a picture of unpreten- 
tious comfort and happy listlessness. Without 
even the knowledge that Protestantism was a reli- 
gion, the habitant clung to his beloved Catholic 
worship. His daily life was graced with interrup- 
tions of picturesque festivals, cheered with merry- 
makings and adorned with highly-colored ceremo- 
nies. Like the neighbors of Goldsmith's good 
vicar, he "observed festivals and intervals of idle- 
ness and pleasure; kept up the Christmas carol, 
sent true-love knots on Valentine morning, ate 
pancakes on Shrovetide, and religiously cracked 
nuts on Michaelmas eve." With the simple joy 
which comes with the consciousness of irresponsi- 
bility, he took part in games and jollities, which 
are far below the responsible dignity of later 
American money-making. 



20 LEWIS CASS 

The habitants, whose farms stretched back from 
the river, with scarcely a gap between them from 
Lake Erie to Lake St. Clair, had in general the 
characteristics of the better class of Canadian 
farmers.^ They were honest, hospitable, religious, 
inoffensive and uninformed, possessed of simplicity 
and civility. Without ambition and attached to 
ancient prejudices, they sought no more than the 
necessaries of life. Many, as a result of happy 
inaction, were poor without realizing their poverty ; 
some were well-to-do without boasting of their 
wealth. Strangers were received with unembar- 
rassed politeness, without traces of rusticity in 
manners or speech. Mrs. Jameson, the delightful 
critic of Shakespeare, who visited this western 
country in 1837, writes, in wondering admiration 
of the polished address of the simple farmer: "If 
you would see the two extremes of manner brought 
into near comparison, you should turn from a 
Yankee store-keeper to a French Canadian." His 
language, too, betokened his pure descent; for the 
patois of the French settler of the Northwest is 
largely a myth created by the reasoning imagina- 
tion of thoughtless travelers or indiscriminating 
writers. The bushranger, whose settlements have 
been described, doubtless often cumbered his speech 
with Indian words and confused it with half-re- 
membered constructions. But such was not the 
case with the habitants near Detroit or the average 
farmer of Canada. It was "curious " but not un- 

1 George Heriot, Travels in Canada, London, 1807. 



THE OLD NORTHWEST 2t 

usual to find in the western wilderness "a perfect 
specimen of an old-fashioned Norman peasant — 
all bows, courtesy, and good humor;" and his 
speech was not less purely Celtic than were his 
unalloyed courtesy and grace. 

The Frenchman is dependent on companionship. 
The pioneer life of the American farmer ripens 
individuality and intensifies salient characteristics, 
until the word "character" itself is synonymous 
with person ; but nothing is more evident than the 
utter lack of individuality or aggressive personal- 
ity among the Western Frenchmen. When one 
of a class is seen all his fellows are known to us. 
The Frenchman could not think of going alone 
into the woods to cut out of the very forest a home 
for himseK and family, a feat of wonderful self- 
sufficiency so common to the independent Ameri- 
can farmer. One farm must be within hailing 
distance of another, or the French farmer is miser- 
able in his loneliness. Down the Detroit River 
the farms extended back from the stream, each 
having its own water frontage. Such "pipe stem " 
tracts may still be seen in the vicinity of Detroit, 
like those of the quaint settlements along the St. 
Lawrence and its tributaries. The social farmers 
could shout to one another from their doorsteps, ^ 
and would carry on their gossipy conversations 
when they ought to have been tilling their fields. 
The stream-haunting Canadian has been happily 
compared to the beaver or the muskrat. At times 
1 Bela Hubbard, Memorials of a Half Century, p. 116. 



22 LEWIS CASS 

he seemed to live in the waters and marshes around 
him, building his cabin where it was accessible 
only to a canoe. The miasma which he breathed 
seemed to furnish him with food rather than en- 
gender disease. A century and more after the 
founding of Detroit the farms still clung lovingly 
to the river banks, and a mile back from the 
streams was still seen the untouched forest. The 
troops, who came from Ohio to Detroit in 1812, 
found only one muddy road winding along between 
stream and wood, a situation which offered the 
lurking savages every opportunity for ambush and 
attack. What roads there were, the water-loving 
habitant despised; but over his rough highways 
he jogged merrily to market with a two-wheeled 
Norman cart and rough dwarfish pony, a curious 
mongrel animal of unknown pedigree, but with 
an endurance and possible speed which delighted 
the simple peasant or his rollicking sons. 

Covetousness was the most infrequent vice ; for, 
although they did not know the best arts of hus- 
bandry, these simple farmers nevertheless provided 
from their own resources everything necessary to 
supply their wants. The arts of the tailor and 
mason were often added to the clumsy skill of the 
agriculturist ; while tanning and shoemaking were 
not uncommon acquirements. Their implements 
were crude, rough, and heavy; their methods of 
tillage ludicrous to the modern farmer. The cum- 
bersome plough, to which was attached a pony, or 
mayhap a cow or steer, was used somewhat effect- 



THE OLD NORTHWEST 23 

ively, but the corn was tilled with the Indian hoe 
in the simple fashion learned from the red man. 
In fruit-raising they excelled; beautiful orchards 
were often crowded into the narrow farms ; cher- 
ries and peaches furnished by distillation an ex- 
hilarating drink, and cider continually provided 
a mild stimulant. But the French farmer did not 
succeed in becoming the ruling spirit and progres- 
sive citizen of the West, because, as a French 
traveler gravely suggests, he talked too much and 
consulted his wife too often, and spent his time in 
argument rather than in work. 

The ordinary hahitanti however listless and un- 
ambitious, did not lack many comforts. Gay and 
happy with a little, he often indulged even in the 
pomps and vanities of life. Some of the families 
had plate and silks and luxuries of various kinds, 
which, though not paraded, revealed noble descent, 
and argued the existence of at least the traditions 
of wealth. 1 The houses were simple, of hewn logs, 
occasionally covered with clapboards, and lighted 
in the low upper story with quaint dormer win- 
dows, which gave, to those in the town especially, 
a Dutch appearance, and suggested to the New 
York immigrant, as he entered the territory, the 
Knickerbocker region of his own State. Here 
the people lived in simple and picturesque fashion. 
Their amusements were many, and their gayeties 
intense. When Detroit under its American rulers 
began to take on business airs, many were the 

^ Campbell, Outlines of Political History of Michigan, p. 212. 



24 LEWIS CASS 

grumblings at the ordinances which prevented 
horse-racing through the narrow streets, or inter- 
fered with the jolly game of ten-pins, for which 
the street was used as an alley, and a cannon ball 
as a missile. When winter set in, the people gave 
themselves up to pleasure-seeking. Their shaggy 
ponies, which had been allowed all summer long 
to roam the woods or scamper uncontrolled along 
the river banks, now became their special pride. 
The swiftest of the herd was dearly cherished; 
and the highest ambition of the farmer was to 
drive the fastest pony. The frozen river was the 
theatre of delights, or the "Grand Marais''^ a 
few miles above the city, swollen with autumn 
rains, offered its icy attractions. Sunday, as in 
most Catholic countries, was a day for enjoyment 
as well as solemn worship, and Saturday was gen- 
erally an occasion of unrestrained merry-making. 
Indeed, one need not single out days. Sleigh- 
riding, dancing, feasting, and uncontrolled levity 
filled up the passing winter weeks. A summer's 
providence was easily lost in a winter's mild dissi- 
pation. 

Such was the life of a simple and illiterate peo- 
ple, and such it long continued to be. Years after 
the introduction of American farming methods, 
business enterprise and governmental policy, we 
find the same unprogressive spirit, unaffected by 
the serious humor with which the American under- 

1 Sheldon, Early History of Michigan, p. 371 ; Memorials of a 
Half Century, p. 141. 



THE OLD NORTHWEST 25 

takes both his work and his pleasure. One natu- 
rally lingers over this picture of early social sim- 
plicity and unrestrained gayety; for, leaving out 
of consideration the influences on history and de- 
velopment, aU that now remains is a "pipe-stem" 
farm or a huge old pear-tree, to remind us of this 
mediaeval mosaic snugly fitted into modern civili- 
zation. 

One must not think, however, that all the set- 
tlers were of this fortunate, light-hearted, comfor- 
table class, who labored lazily in summer and 
spent the winter in energetic frivolity. These 
formed the majority at Detroit and in the eastern 
portion of Michigan. But two classes can be 
differentiated. There were some of the lower class 
who gave up a life of wandering but never became 
used to the graces and loose restraints of such 
civilization. A few retired watermen and bush- 
rangers settled there, in despair over their vanish- 
ing profession. The "dark-complexioned imps 
with high cheek-bones and indescribably mischie- 
vous eyes," whom Harriet Martineau described as 
Flibbertigibbets rowing or diving or playing pranks 
on the shores of Michigan, were the half-breed 
progeny of these men, who joined themselves in 
informal wedlock with the beauties of the forest. 
There were some of these bronzed watermen, un- 
attractive though picturesque, even in Acadian 
Detroit; and they formed the most ignorant and 
the rudest element of early Michigan. 

Frenchtown, where Monroe now stands, had a 



26 LEWIS CASS 

goodly number of farms nestling up to each other, 
with their heads on the banks of the River Raisin; 
and these were mostly inhabited by French Cana- 
dians quite inferior to those near Detroit. They 
exhibited more than the usual density of ignorance 
and stupidity in tillage. As late as 1816 General 
Cass, in a letter to the secretary of war, stated 
that not a pound of wool was manufactured by a 
person of Canadian descent in the Territory, al- 
though four fifths of the inhabitants were of that 
descent; the fleece of the sheep was thrown away 
or used to cover up a cellar window. The making 
of soap for family purposes was an American inno- 
vation. Especially the Raisin settlers, it is appar- 
ent, were slothful to the point of poverty. In the 
destruction and desolation left by the war of 1812, 
they seemed caught in the meshes of ignorance 
and despair; and the bounties of government were 
needed to extricate them. In 1807 the farmers of 
Canada had begun to adopt from the English the 
idea of fertilizing their exhausted farms ;i but 
long after that the French of Michigan dumped 
all fertilizers into the rivers.^ 

Once more a comparison between Michigan and 
Ohio will show how different were the American 
and the earlier French settlers. One of the first 
acts of the Ohio Company was to provide for the 
services of a suitable person as a public teacher 
for the settlement on the Ohio. The directors 

1 Travels in Canada, George Heriot. 

2 Casa's Letters, State Archives, Lansing, Michigan. 



THE OLD NORTHWEST 27 

were "requested to pay as early attention as possi- 
ble to the education of youth and the promotion 
of public worship among the settlers," and to 
employ an instructor "eminent for literary accom- 
plishments." In Michigan, a hundred years after 
its settlement, general education was unthought 
of. A few of the more wealthy and worldly of 
the Detroit townsmen sent their sons to the East. 
An occasional school was of no influence, no cen- 
tre of enlightenment. In 1817 the "Gazette," a 
struggling newspaper of Detroit, thus encouraged 
the French to effort: "Frenchmen of the Territory 
of Michigan, you ought to begin immediately to 
give an education to your children. In a little 
time there will be in this Territory as many Yan- 
kees as French, and if you do not have your chil- 
dren educated the situations will all be given to 
the Yankees," — a touching utilitarian appeal to 
come in the very year when curious old Judge 
Woodward was coining from his inventive brain 
"Catholepistemiad, or University of Michigania." 
For just at that time the Yankee minority were 
beainuing; to think of the text-book and the ferule. 
Many a year after this editorial the French seemed 
fully convinced that it is foUy to be wise. Few 
children learned to read, but the patient priest 
taught them their catechism and showed them how 
to tell their beads with devotional regularity.^ 
The people were ignorant of the English language, 
and often did not know of the legislation enacted 

1 Hubbard, Memorials of a Half Century, p, 140. 



28 LEWIS CASS 

by their new rulers. In 1810 a petition was 
presented requesting the publication of laws in 
French as well as English. 

The slow method of conducting legal business, 
coming in with the Americans, was a source of 
never ending surprise to the ordinary inhabitant, 
who had rarely come into contact with any but the 
sharp edge of the law. The proceedings of the 
new courts puzzled him. Unaccustomed to trial 
by jury, he could see no advantage in that intri- 
cate and tedious method of deciding a suit which 
would have been disposed of in a moment by the 
French or the English authorities before the ar- 
rival of the technical American. For a long time 
all legal business, where a Frenchman was con- 
cerned, was carried on through the medium of an 
interpreter — a clumsy method at the best. The 
attorney was a new species, which seemed, ghoul- 
like, to fatten on other's misfortunes, and to take 
a gruesome pleasure in seeking out forgotten titles 
and undivided interests. The Americans have not 
unjustly been called a litigious people. Often the 
enthusiastic Western lawyer encouraged litigation, 
and there was every temptation at Detroit to peer 
into neglected corners; for scarcely a landholder 
in the Territory knew how he held his land. The 
French, on the other hand, were exasperating to 
the busy Yankee ; for they never did to-day what 
could be delayed till the morrow.^ 

1 Beport of Committee of House of Representatives relative to 
State of Territory of Michigan, 1807. 



THE OLD NORTHWEST 29 

The first public building in an American settle- 
ment is the court-house, the second the jail, and 
the third the schoolhouse, where religious services 
are sometimes held.^ The first thing the French 
do is to erect a church under the direction of a 
fatherly priest, and the village clusters around it, 
or stretches out from it along the river bank. 
The noticeable feature to-day in the antique vil- 
lages of Canada is the little chapel surmounted by 
a cross. By its side are the priest's tidy dwelling 
and flower garden, all in a neat and holiday attire 
in comparison with the houses which crouch in 
humble penitence near by. 

Kaskaskia and Vincennes and other settlements 
were places of importance in Northwestern history, 
and there, too, the French influence is discernible. 
But though more than once French conservatism 
acted as a brake on the wheels of progress, Illi- 
nois and Indiana did not feel the burden of the 
old occupancy as did Michigan. The old towns 
of these two States had passed a century of listless 
existence, not varied by the introduction of new 
ideas, or bothered by needless civilization, when 
the pushing American settler came to turn them 
upside down with his provoking hurry and energy. 

Lewis Cass was a statesman of the Northwest. 
He was for a number of years engaged in the ad- 
ministration of Northwestern affairs ; and when he 
passed to a broader field, he remained for years 

^ Schoolcraft, Journey in Central Portion of Mississippi Yalley, 
p. 37. 



30 LEWIS CASS 

the most conspicuous representative of the people 
of the Northwest. In the earlier period he was 
a leader, and guided rather than obeyed the reins 
of the popular will. When in later years he 
ceased to guide, he long represented his constitu- 
ents. Their progress can be seen in a study of 
his life. His life can be seen in studying the 
progress of his section of the country. No ade- 
quate portrait of the man can be obtained, unless 
there is a background, which will throw his char- 
acteristics into relief. In the pages which follow 
there wiU be no effort to measure exactly French 
resistance to American civilization and govern- 
ment, or to determine accurately the weight of 
Cass's influence in making Michigan American. 
Such tasks are from the nature of things impossi- 
ble. But there will be an attempt to recount his 
work, and to exhibit him in proper perspective. 
It is evident that there were difficulties to be over- 
come. The Northwest was a natural pendant to 
the St. Lawrence Valley ; but won by the English, 
and later won from them by the Americans, it 
became pendant to the country east of the Appala- 
chians. Its political allegiance was thus deter- 
mined. But its social existence, its real political 
life, its individuality could not be recreated by 
force and arms. Perhaps one is not altogether 
wrong in thinking that as the civil law and French 
custom remained in Louisiana after its acquisition 
by the United States, Michigan, too, might in no 
small measure have retained the permanent im- 



THE OLD NORTHWEST 31 

press of French ideas, had It not been for the en- 
ergy of one of the most American of American 
statesmen. However that may be, the character- 
istics of the French settlers have their importance 
in Northwestern history, and even if we admit that 
this element in Michigan was submerged by the 
inflowing tide from the Eastern States as early as 
1830 or 1835, a narrative of Northwestern develop- 
ment must take its beginnings in an account of the 
French occupation, and must consider the nature 
of French life and habits of thought and action. 
The habitants were not a source of danger; they 
were not treacherous conspirators; the descendants 
of the more intelligent and well-to-do became sub- 
stantial citizens of Detroit and of other cities. 
And yet one must see that the assimilation of this 
element was not an unimportant task. Doubtless 
Judge Schley spoke in exaggerated phrase when 
he wrote of Detroit, in 1802 : " Nothing frightens 
the Canadians like taxes. They would prefer to 
be treated like dogs, and kenneled under the whip 
of a tyrant, than contribute to the support of a 
free government." But this exaggeration, if such 
it be, leads one to realize the underlying truth, 
and to see how different was the situation in no 
small portion of the Northwest from that obtaining 
in other parts of the United States in early times. 
One other phase of Northwestern history needs 
to be examined if we are to understand the devel- 
opment of the country, or appreciate the work of 
its statesmen. The possessors of the St. Lawrence 



32 LEWIS CASS 

valley had a traditional control over the Indians. 
Wolfe's victory on the Plains of Abraham has 
been called the most important date in modern 
history, and the beginning of the history of the 
United States. It had its influence on the North- 
west. English rum took the place of French 
brandy. English presents supplanted French tact. 
For the rest of the century the Indians looked to 
the English for encouragement and protection. 
During the Revolution, Detroit was the centre of 
their dealings. Hamilton, "the hair buyer," paid 
the bounty on American scalps, and doled out 
rum in enormous quantities. "I observe with 
great concern," wrote Governor Haldiman, "the 
astonishing consumption of rum at Detroit, amount- 
ing to the rate of 17,500 gallons per year."^ By 
the peace of 1783 the Northwest was ceded to the 
United States, but the military posts were not 
given up by the British. The Indians were en- 
couraged 2 to prevent the Americans from entering 
the country north of the Ohio, and only a corner 
of that region was occupied before Wayne's vic- 
tory over the Indians in 1794. As the French 

1 Haldiman Papers, Michigan Pioneer Collection. 

2 A full examination of the original material of the period en- 
ables one to say with assurance that the English government at 
no time openly instigated the Indians to hostilities against the 
United States. But the English officials in this country sympa- 
thized with the Indians in their desire to retain all the country 
north of the Ohio ; and some of them at critical juncture gave 
material aid to the red men in the way of food and blankets, if 
not ammvmition. 



THE OLD NORTHWEST 33 

fur trader had hindered the encroachments of the 
British, so now the fur trader of English Montreal 
sought to prevent the Americans from entering 
the fur region of the Northwest. Detroit was not 
given up till July 11, 1796. It is said that, on 
leaving the fort, the English filled the wells with 
rubbish, and destroyed the windmills of the vicin- 
ity. This is only an ill-humored tradition; but 
beyond all doubt they left behind them the rub- 
bish of a cruel and unnecessary occupancy, much 
less easily removed and much more inimical to the 
advancement of American interests than was any 
material debris. The Indians long remained de- 
pendents of the British and attached to British 
interests. A great portion of the life of Cass was 
devoted to winning the Indians to their proper 
allegiance, and obtaining a proper respect for 
American authority. All the energies of this 
Northwestern leader were not absorbed by two 
tasks, counteracting British influences and intro- 
ducing American democracy. But these first pre- 
sented themselves as he entered the field of na- 
tional statesmanship ; these form the starting point, 
and explain many a circumstance throughout the 
whole course of his life. 



CHAPTER II 

EARLY LIFE 

One who examines the genealogical records of 
New England will observe that the name Cass 
appears not infrequently. One branch of the 
family is traceable to John Cass, of Hampton, 
born in 1644. From him descended Jonathan 
who, in the days before the Revolutionary War, 
was living in Exeter, N. H. He seems to have 
been a young man of exceptional vigor and pro- 
mise. The place of his residence is pointed out 
with interest, and the local historian finds reason 
to describe him in a manner likely to enlist sym- 
pathy and attention. At the outbreak of the 
Revolution Jonathan was an energetic young black- 
smith,^ too full of life and eager restlessness to be 

^ William T. Young in his Life of Lewis Cass, published at 
Detroit in 1852, and written doubtless in some measure from in- 
formation obtained from Cass himself, calls Jonathan a " me- 
chanic." W. L. G. Smith, in his Life and Times of Lewis Cass, 
says that the father was a part of the time engaged in cutting 
logs and making lumber. The late Charles H. Bell of Exeter, 
who has written the history of that place, assured me after ex- 
amining the town records that he was a blacksmith. Probably 
he was not engaged permanently in any one employment ; but I 
am led to believe that he was not shiftless and did not live in 
poverty. 



EARLY LIFE 35 

wedded to the fiery joys of the forge, and too full 
of patriotism to await the second call to arms when 
the battle of Lexington proclaimed that war was 
actually begun. His comrades afterwards remem- 
bered him as an erect handsome man with keen 
black eyes, and so he appears in the artistic por- 
trait still preserved by his descendants. 

He must have been in his twenty -third ^ year 
when he entered the army, which he is said to 
have done almost immediately after Lexington. 
He was present at the battle of Bunker Hill, and 
seems to have been actively engaged at Princeton, 
Trenton, Monmouth, and all the other important 
battles of the war in the central and northern part 
of the country. His merits won him an ensigncy 
as early as 1777, and by the close of the war he 
had secured a captain's commission. At that time 
he returned to Exeter, to remain till other duties 
called him once more to a life of greater excitement 
and activity when the presence of British emissa- 
ries in the West demanded a second enlistment. 

In 1781 he married Mary Gilman, who belonged 
to a branch of the Gilman family which traces its 
ancestry back to Norfolk, England, where, in 
1558, were living the forefathers of those who in 
1635 landed in Boston, and began life in the New 
World. In a house which stood on the east side 
of Cross Street, now Cass Street, Exeter, Lewis 
Cass was born October 9, 1782. The house was 

^ Niles, vol. xxxix. p. 157 ; Evarts, Muskingum County, Ohio, 
p. 352. Contra, Smith's Life and Times of Lewis Cass, p. 15. 



36 LEWIS CASS 

not, as Mr. Smith describes it, a "small unpre- 
tending wooden dwelling-house," nor is there any 
reason for crediting the tradition that young Lewis 
was cradled in "a sap-trough." The building was 
large for those days, or at least far from small and 
humble. It was one of the customary pine boxes 
of New England, with a central chimney and a 
front hall, on each side of which opened large, 
square, comfortable rooms. Jonathan no doubt 
was able to furnish a good cradling for his first- 
born. Lewis was the eldest of six children, the 
youngest of whom was only eight years his junior. 
His boyhood fell in the uneasy anxious times of 
the Confederation. The air was full of political 
clamor, and electric with dreaded disaster. State 
selfishness and political greed were the accompani- 
ments of personal selfishness. Avarice and dis- 
honesty were the natural effects of a demoralizing 
war. All, who thought, hoped desperately or fore- 
told the worst. In after years Lewis Cass looked 
back upon those boyhood years with a memory 
retentive of their deep impressions. If in later 
years he had a never-failing love for the Union 
and the Constitution, he might trace it in part to 
the relief that came when the Constitution was 
adopted, and the Union was no longer a shadow. 
"You remember, young man," he said to James 
A. Garfield in 1861, "that the Constitution did 
not take effect until nine States had ratified it. 
My native State was the ninth. It hung a long 
time in doubtful scale whether nine would agree; 



EARLY LIFE 37 

but when, at last, New Hampshire ratified the 
Constitution, it was a day of great rejoicing. My 
mother held me, a little boy of six years, in her 
arms at a window, and pointed me to the bonfires 
that were blazing in the streets of Exeter, and 
told me that the people were celebrating the adop- 
tion of the Constitution. So I saw the Constitu- 
tion born, and I fear I may see it die." 

His native State had known, before that joyful 
ratification, much of turbulence and disorder. 
The paper-money mob of 1786 was one of those 
explosions which were only too common through- 
out the distraught Confederation. Paper money 
had played many a prank in colonial times, but 
the favors of an unlimited issue were still eagerly 
sought by those whom the war had impoverished, 
and by those who, restless when the war was over, 
demanded new opportunities, and were dissatisfied 
because a war for liberty had not brought them 
wealth, honor, and the golden age which had been 
preached as the ever-present heaven of democracy. 
The contest which ensued between the supporters 
of law and the mob is graphically described by 
local historians.^ Jonathan Cass, whose zeal for 
authority and love of order are apparent through- 
out life, was so carried away by enthusiasm, tradi- 
tion tells us, that in his eagerness to charge upon 
the grumbling mob he leaped his horse over a 
well. A trivial incident this, no doubt, but it 
shows what sort of blood was in the family veins. 
^ History of New Hampshire, by McClintock, p. 371. 



38 LEWIS CASS 

It usually falls to the lot of a biographer to 
narrate at least a few instances of prophetic pre- 
cocity. But none are to be told of Lewis Cass. 
It is clear that in early years he was fond of study, 
and evinced a capacity which encouraged his father 
to give him a good education. In 1792, when the 
boy was scarcely ten years old, he entered the 
academy in Exeter, and came into the stimulating 
presence of Benjamin Abbott. The stern discipline 
and accurate scholarship of the principal had a 
moulding influence on the minds of his pupils, and 
the years spent at the academy were important 
ones in the life of Cass. Nothing especial, how- 
ever, is known of this period of his career. Pre- 
sumptions of fine scholarship have been made, 
perhaps not without warrant. Webster thirty years 
afterwards remembered him as "a clever fellow, 
good-natured, kind-hearted, amiable, and obli- 
ging." Perhaps he was one of those considerate 
school-fellows who refrained from laughing at the 
rustic manners and uncouth appearance of the 
youthful Daniel, and thus won his grateful remem- 
brance. 

Meantime his father, who had been unsuccess- 
fully presented to Washington as a suitable mar- 
shal for the State, had accepted a commission in 
the army raised for the defense of the western 
frontier, and was with "Mad Anthony" in his 
cunning and vigorous campaign. Major Cass was 
left in command of Fort Hamilton, and retained 
command until the treaty of Greenville. Here he 



EARLY LIFE 30 

continued to live for some time while Lewis was 
carrying on his studies in the academy. 

There have been many conflicting statements, 
needlessly inaccurate, concerning the education 
which Cass received. There is still in existence 
in Exeter a certificate, supposed to be a copy in 
the handwriting of Cass himself, which very plainly 
sets forth the advantages which he secured. It is 
there stated that he had been a member of the 
academy for seven years, and had acquired the 
principles of the English, French, Latin, and 
Greek languages, geography, arithmetic, and prac- 
tical geometry ; that he had made " valuable pro- 
gress in the study of rhetoric, history, natural 
and moral philosophy, logic, astronomy, and nat- 
ural law." The usual testimony of good moral 
character follows this enumeration of his acquire- 
ments. 

The course of Cass's life immediately subsequent 
to his residence at the academy is not easily dis- 
cernible. His father had returned from the West 
some time after the treaty of Greenville, and in 1799 
was stationed, probably in some military capacity, 
at Wilmington, Del. A few months, passed in 
teaching in an academy at that place, seem to have 
satisfied young Cass that the uneventful life of the 
schoolmaster was not to his liking. The major had 
brought home from his Western sojourn such glow- 
ing accounts of opportunities, that pedagogics 
were laid aside for the hardships and excitement 
of pioneering. Nothing could be much more in- 



40 LEWIS CASS 

congruous than Lewis Cass in the class-room in 
those restless days of his young manhood when he 
was energetic to the very point of wastefulness, 
and burned with an ardor for trial, activity, com- 
bat. The family slowly made their way into the 
Ohio valley.^ Lewis, with his bundle on his back, 
plodded over the mountains into the "Old North- 
west," which was yet young enough, and bore the 
wrinkles of age only where the Frenchman had 
introduced antiquity and sloth. Major Cass re- 
signed his commission at Pittsburgh, and pushed 
on into Ohio. 

The wilderness which he had left after the treaty 
of Greenville was a wilderness no longer. Now 
at the beginning of the new century towns were 
starting up as apparitions, here and there, with 
ghost-like quickness. The long stretches of lonely 
forests, which he had known, were now alive with 
busy farms and bright with wheat and maize. All 
down the Ohio valley were the buzz and bustle of 
industry. The New Englanders were there with 
their thrift and their parsimony and their shrewd 
business methods which astonished and annoyed 
the easy-going Southerner. For the slave owner, 
too, was there, a slave owner no longer. Many 
such had moved to the unshackled northwest, now 
that the fear of the Lidians was removed, and with 
a magnanimity useless on the plantations of the 
South had given freedom to their slaves. Virginia, 

1 The family seems to have spent a short time at Harper's 
Ferry and Winchester. See Smith, Life and Times of Cass, p. 19. 



EARLY LIFE 41 

Kentucky, and North Carolina lost many energetic 
citizens, who sought the untarnished freedom of 
that new land, where the curse of slavery could 
not be bequeathed to their children. Still other 
immigrants from the South, however, never gave 
up the hope of introducing the system which the 
Ordinance of '87 forbade. At Marietta and in 
its vicinity were the driving sons of Puritanism, 
who had begun a settlement with much of the same 
serious purpose and the same sad energy which 
had marked their ancestors of the rock-bound 
coast. School and church were there; and much 
of the puritanic ideal alloyed with modern zeal for 
material prosperity. But farther to the west, in 
the direction of Cincinnati, were Southerners full 
of characteristic hospitality and magnanimity and 
Jeffersonism, and a few full of ignorance and sloth 
and the lazy disposition of more sunny and smiling 
skies. This was no place, one would say, for him 
who was not ready to make his way with hoe and 
axe. Yet in southern Ohio there still remains a 
certain modicum of this unprogressive, indolent 
element, continually presenting the query, whence 
came the motive and the energy to move to the 
northern woods at all. 

Major Cass seems to have brought his family 
to Marietta in October, 1800, and to have gone 
north to the vicinity of Zanesville the next year. 
Lewis Cass probably settled in Marietta in the 
latter part of 1799,1 ^nd began there his study of 

1 It is almost impossible to determine this date with accu- 



42 LEWIS CASS 

the law in the office of Mr. R. J. Meigs, who was 
afterwards governor of the State of Ohio. The 
major located forty land warrants, for one hundred 
acres each, in the vicinity of Zanesville, and Lewis 
spent at least a portion of his time in the wilder- 
ness, helping his father to hew his way to comfort. 
Solomon Sibley on his way to Detroit found his 
friend of after years pounding corn in a hollow 
stump before his father's door, and the traveler 
was invited to partake of the evening meal, the 
preparations for which were thus primitively be- 
gun. The young man, eager for a career, and 
fond of study, learned from experience the priva- 
tions of frontier life. He felt the impulses, gen- 
erous and strong, which come to the woodsman. 
The settlers in the West of after years needed to 
teU him nothing. He knew their needs, he real- 
ized their capacities, he sympathized with their 
longings. All this appreciation of Northwestern 
characteristics moulded his career and increased 
his usefulness. 

There were various and different elements in 
the population of Ohio, as already suggested ; but 
everything in frontier life calls for activity and 

racy. I have thought best, in spite of strong evidence for the date 
1800, to adopt the one given in Young's Life of Cass, inasmuch 
as Mr. Young is supposed to have had the advice of Cass himself 
in the preparation of the book, and the copy from which I take 
the statement was the general's own copy. If such an evident 
mistake had been made, I am inclined to think that it would 
have been indicated on the margin by the subject of the memoir. 
There are many other reasons for deciding upon this date. 



EARLY LIFE 43 

stimulates to energy. Only those of restless dis- 
position or fearless independent thought were apt 
to leave their homes in the East to begin life again 
in the West. There were no prescribed customs, 
no rut for thought's progress, no smothering upper 
crust of wealth and aristocracy. Everybody knew 
what everybody else was worth, and measured with 
rude exactness the height of the true man with- 
out reference to the length of the purse or to the 
pedestal of inherited position. Intimate acquain- 
tance with Nature suggested to the settler breadth, 
generosity, and the spirit of sturdy independence. 
Land was almost his only possession, and from 
the time of Tacitus land-owning and Anglo-Saxon 
freedom have been curiously interwoven. Is there 
no indication of race decay in these latter days 
when Americans give over to Germans and Swedes 
the title to their western prairies ? 

In those days, when the common man, by virtue 
of his own inherent vigor, was pushing his way 
to independence, there came a faith in the energy, 
the sagacity, the proper impulses of this same 
common man. Though Cass in his study for the 
bar spent much of his early manhood in Marietta, 
a town of New England prejudices, he was carried 
away with enthusiasm for popular sovereignty and 
faith in the people, the loudly proclaimed doctrines 
of Jefferson, who with wondrous cunning was 
shaping for practical political service in America 
the edge-tools of Kousseau, which, roughly han- 
dled, had cut so many grievous wounds in the body 



44 LEWIS CASS 

of distressed France. Jefferson was to American- 
ize and make practical the Frencli extravagances. 
Yet all the antecedents of Lewis Cass were Feder- 
alist. Can it be fairly charged, as it was in after 
years in the heat of party contests, that he became 
a disciple of the new school only for office and 
lucre? It would seem not. Meigs was a Jeffer- 
sonian. Others of the pushing politicians were 
Virginians. The Federalists, in the dread of the 
nightmare Jeffersonism, opposed the entrance of 
Ohio into the Union, and even Manasseh Cutler 
himself was in opposition to a policy which the 
ambition of youth desired. Surely, if prejudice 
does not blind, one can see other forces than ava- 
rice driving the young barrister into the camp of 
the Democracy. Ohio, in her haste to become a 
State, and in her hatred of those who hindered 
her, in her dread of the meddling policy repre- 
sented by St. Clair, adopted a constitution which 
ought to have warmed the heart of the loudest ad- 
vocate of a weak government, and came into the 
Union as a Jeffersonian State. 

The first certificate of admission to the bar 
under the new constitution of 1802 was given to 
Lewis Cass, probably in the autumn of 1802. Eb- 
enezer Zane had cut a post-road from Wheeling 
to Lewiston, perhaps the first piece of "internal 
improvement " undertaken by the government. 
"Zane's trace," a winding bridle-path with "cor- 
duroy" bridges, earned for its creator three sec- 
tions of land on the Muskingum, and there in 



EARLY LIFE 46 

1799 Zanesville was founded. Soon after his ad- 
mission to the bar Cass began practice in this 
little town, which was then struggling up in the 
wilderness. The "streets," filled with underbrush 
and lined with blackened stumps, offered but slight 
aesthetic attractions; but in 1804 Muskingum 
County was created, and Zanesville assumed the 
dignity of a county seat. Cass this year was 
elected prosecuting attorney and began his public 
career. The reputation of the young lawyer seems 
to have been already somewhat widely diffused. 
This was partly due to his influential friends in 
Marietta and to his acquaintance in other portions 
of the State. 

In those days a young barrister's duties were 
not confined to hanging out a sign and listening 
for a client's footsteps. The county seats were 
widely separated by long stretches of wilderness. 
Journeys of a hundred or a hundred and fifty miles 
were not uncommon. Judge and lawyers mounted 
their horses and started on the circuit. Occasion- 
ally an old Indian trail offered unusual facilities 
for travel. Sometimes eight or ten days were 
spent on a journey, the travelers finding shelter 
where they best could, at times thankful for dry 
ground to lie upon, and again warmly welcomed 
to a lonely log cabin, where some trustful farmer 
from over the mountains was endeavoring to sub- 
sist with his crop of Indian corn planted at ran- 
dom in a half -cleared field. Danger often added 
dramatic interest to weariness. Streams swollen 



46 LEWIS CASS 

with rains^ must not be regarded as barriers, and 
the horse which could not swim was of little use 
to the barrister. Cass in after years merrily re- 
called "the dripping spectacle of despair" which 
he exhibited when in crossing Scioto Creek his 
faithless horse threw him and his luggage into the 
water. "These, however, were the troubles of 
the day; but, oh, they were recompensed by the 
comforts of the evening, when the hospitable cabin 
and the warm fire greeted the traveler ! — when a 
glorious supper was sp'read before him, — turkey, 
venison, bear's meat, fresh butter, hot corn bread, 
sweet potatoes, apple sauce, and pumpkin butter ! 
— and then the animated conversation, succeeded 
by a floor and a blanket and a refreshing sleep ! " ^ 

Courts were held where necessity or convenience 
dictated, often in a log court-house with generous 
interstices neither chinked nor daubed; at times 
in a public house where judge, jury, lawyers, and 
witnesses were huddled together in perplexing 
confusion; not infrequently in a settler's cabin 
where a court-room was quickly improvised, and 
the judge made use of the bed for his august 
bench. In these curious journeys there was mer- 
riment as well as danger and fatigue; and in 
these strange court-rooms there was much of legal 
learning and forensic skill. There was also rare 
opportunity for sharpening wit and increasing self- 
reliance. Justice was meted out with a quickness 

1 Letters from Illinois, p. 61, London, 1818. 

2 France, its King, Court, and Government, by Lewis Cass, p. 121. 



EARLY LIFE 47 

and directness often unknown in these artificial 
days of the dilatory plea. Perhaps it was a result 
of communion with Nature, but however this may 
be, certain it is that he who was not ready, direct 
and keen, fitted into no place in the judicial sys- 
tem of Ohio in those days of itinerant courts and 
direct justice. 

The constitution of Ohio provided that no person 
should be a representative who had not attained 
the age of twenty-five years. In October, 1806, 
Cass completed his twenty-fourth year, and in 
spite of ineligibility was that month elected to the 
legislature and took his seat on the first Monday 
of December, He became at once an influential 
member. A new country bestows no premium on 
the experience of age ; young men are for counsel 
as well as for war. 

This year Burr began his sinuous operations in 
the West. The affair was long a puzzling episode 
in our history. Burr, fallen from his high estate, 
was prompted by a restless ambition to win new 
glories in the West. Did he mean to establish a 
colony on the Washita River? Was he planning 
an expedition against the Spanish Dons ? Did he 
fancy himself sitting on the throne of the Monte- 
zumas? Did he actually so misinterpret South- 
western spirit that he hoped he might detach the 
Western States from the Union ? Only recent in- 
vestigations ^ have given decided answers to these 
questions. The first was his ostensible design, 
• ^ nistory of the United States, Henry Adams. 



48 LEWIS CASS 

the last his fondest hope. He possibly dreamed 
of being able to make his colony, or perchance 
New Orleans, the basis of other conquests, relying 
on his star of destiny to guide him to Mexican 
wealth and grandeur. But he seems to have sought 
much fouler fame as the leader of a Western revo- 
lution. The plaudits of the Southwestern cities 
in an earlier visit had kindled his desires and 
fanned into a blaze his cynical ambitions. He 
lacked all moral basis for his intellectual judg- 
ments. He was unable to appreciate moral enthu- 
siasm as distinct from personal greed. He could 
not sympathize with the generous patriotism and 
devotion and the warm love of country in the 
hearts of an open-hearted people, whose grum- 
blings he would torture into treason. Par ton tells 
us in an adroit paradox that the public mind was 
prepared to believe anything of Burr, provided 
only that it was sufficiently incredible. But Burr 
himself also, in the dark recesses of his bright 
mind, was curiously credulous of the impossible. 

Blennerhassett, a fanciful Irish gentleman, had 
expended a good portion of a modest fortune in 
the purchase and adornment of a small island 
in the Ohio River some twenty miles southwest of 
Marietta. Peace, tranquillity, innocence, idyllic 
repose, were said by the eloquent Wirt to be the 
tutelary deities of this new Eden. Into this gar- 
den of primitive bliss or modern folly Burr came 
with his insinuating manner and winning address. 
Mrs. Blennerhassett was charmed, and her imagi- 



EARLY LIFE 49 

native husband soon quivered with eagerness for 
colonization and conquest. It is true he was so 
near-sighted that on his gunning expeditions a 
servant aimed his gun for him and told him when 
to pull the trigger; hut he was now ready to hunt 
for Spanish Dons and to begin with Burr a mili- 
tary expedition, the end of which he must have 
partly understood. 

Blennerhassett's island was taken as a rendez- 
vous for the conspirators. But General Wilkin- 
son, on whom Burr had relied for assistance, 
concluded that he did not wish to become a " Wash- 
ington of the West;" and President Jefferson, 
not loath to suspect, and yet surprisingly blind, 
dispatched a "confidential agent" to the scene of 
the incipient expedition. By him Governor Tiffin 
was informed that there was something of strange 
purport going on within the limits of the State. 
A message stating the suspicions of the governor 
was sent by him to the legislature, and that body 
was advised to take necessary measures of precau- 
tion. Cass was a member of the committee ap- 
pointed in pursuance of the governor's recommen- 
dation. He had often visited the island, and had 
listened to the eulogies which the giddy Blenner- 
hassett lavished upon Burr, and now that his sus- 
picions were aroused he soon found reason for 
hardening them into conviction. Young as he 
was, he seems to have been the influential and 
active member of the committee. He drafted a 
bill which the committee reported, and he vigor- 



50 LEWIS CASS 

ously supported it before the House. The gover- 
nor was authorized to use the forces of the State 
for suppressing the undertaking, and he acted with 
corresponding promptness and decision. Boats, 
gathered at Marietta, were seized by the militia, 
and some companies of young woodsmen and farm- 
ers, who were gayly bent on adventure and had 
been charmed with the novelty and possibly the 
glory of the enterprise, were intercepted on their 
way to the place of rendezvous. This was the 
"first blow " to the conspiracy, as Jefferson con- 
fessed. A presidential proclamation was issued 
shortly before the Ohio law. Burr, meeting on 
his way down the Mississippi with the news of 
disaster, resolved to trust the wilderness rather than 
the courts of law. He was captured, brought to 
trial at Richmond, but acquitted for lack of evi- 
dence of participation in an overt act of treason. 

In the mean time, at the instigation of Cass, the 
Ohio legislature adopted a resolution expressing 
to President Jefferson its attachment to the gov- 
ernment, its confidence in his administration, and 
its abhorrence of rebellion and insurrection. This 
won from the President a politic reply, in which 
with charming adroitness he magnified popular 
sovereignty and pushed his pet principle of the 
necessary vigor of state authorities under the Con- 
stitution. He was still somewhat fearfid of slum- 
bering conspiracies, and is said to have suggested 
to Governor Tiffin the advisability of removing all 
postmasters west of the mountains who might be 



EARLY LIFE 61 

fairly suspected of "being unfriendly to the unity 
of the nation." Practical civil administration 
would always teach that postmasters are ex officio 
dangerous conspirators. 

President Jefferson did not forget the young 
advocate who had so effectively supported his gov- 
ernment, and in 1807 Cass was tendered a commis- 
sion as United States marshal. He hesitated to 
receive it, fearing that it would interfere with the 
practice of his profession. But he recognized that 
the appointment, coming as it did, was a distinc- 
tion and an announcement of the President's con- 
fidence and gratitude. So he accepted and re- 
tained the office until after the outbreak of the 
war of 1812. 

In 1806 Cass was married to Miss Elizabeth 
Spencer, a descendant of General Spencer of Rev- 
olutionary reputation. The history of his domestic 
life is the simple one of uneventful happiness. 
So even and uniform was his private life, so 
blessed with a paucity of annals, that nothing 
more than this direct assertion is needed to em- 
brace the whole truth. About the time of his 
marriage he built on his father's farm what was 
then considered a handsome "double" house. It 
was of logs, as all the mansions were in those 
days, and part of it is still standing. Here his 
elder children were born, and this was his home 
for nearly ten years. 

The legal profession in Ohio in early days was 
not a remunerative one, and yet in the first few 



62 LEWIS CASS 

years of practice, Cass had achieved reputation 
and accumulated a little property. He was known 
as one of the foremost men at the bar. His natu- 
ral capacity for grasping legal distinctions and for 
mastering details was aided by continuous industry 
and by a vigor and dignity of speech which were 
always impressive, often eloquent, and seldom 
failed to influence. One of his very last acts as 
a practicing lawyer was the defense of two judges 
of the State of Ohio, who, in the plenitude of their 
judicial au.thority, had ventured to declare an act 
of the legislature unconstitutional, and were im- 
peached for their presumption. This is an amus- 
ing instance of how completely Ohio, framed on 
the shores and ways of Federalism, once fairly 
launched, had swung into the current of ultra- 
democracy. The trial of the judges was sensa- 
tional. The State was filled with excitement. 
The speech of Cass on this occasion was masterly 
and convincing, — an epoch in the judicial and 
constitutional history of Ohio, possibly an epoch 
in the judicial history of our country. The ac- 
quittal of the judges was a victory for the young 
lawyer ; but it meant also a victory for the dignity 
of a collateral branch of the state government. It 
had its influence in counteracting a dangerous 
tendency in the political thought of the period. 



CHAPTER III 

THE WAR OP 1812 

In many ways the history of our country in the 
first forty years of its existence as an independent 
nation does not furnish a story to be read with 
unmingled delight. The fierce opposition to the 
adoption of the Constitution perpetuated itself in 
party opposition and obstruction after 1789. And 
scarcely had the infant state been given vigorous 
development by the tender care of the party which 
had stood sponsor at its birth, when it was turned 
over to those who had been its opponents and 
might still prove untrustworthy managers of its 
affairs. Political feeling ran high in 1801, when 
the Federalists in their horror of Jefferson plotted 
seriously to bestow the chief magistracy on Burr. 
With a sense of strange familiarity one comes into 
that atmosphere of sectional strife. It is discour- 
aging to see how long there has been "solidity" 
north and south of Mason and Dixon's line. The 
British cruiser boarded New England vessels and 
impressed New England seamen. Napoleon 
pounced upon our defenseless commerce, and skill- 
fully avoided all consideration of redress. Nor 
was it because a Boston merchant thought more 



54 LEWIS CASS 

of his cargo tlian he did of his countrymen, doomed 
to fight as Englishmen whether they would or not, 
that he bore English cruelty with patience, and 
fumed only at the arrogance of France. It was 
largely because the southern party, the party of 
Jefferson, which the New Englander detested, 
could see no wrong in French aggressions that the 
New England Federalist saw very clearly the re- 
verse. Nor is the exasperating timidity of Jeffer- 
son to be overlooked. In pursuance of the "terra- 
pin policy " of his administration the country had 
drawn itself within its shell, in the hope of being 
coaxed out by sweet concessions. But the em- 
bargo, which was said at one time to be a measure 
for the protection of commerce, and at another to 
be retaliatory, proved destructive of no interests 
save our own. Instead of building frigates and 
sloops of war that might protect New England 
shipping, Congress spent money in constructing 
the ridiculous gunboats which in the end proved 
of little or no value. Yet the Eastern States were 
developing a commerce of no mean proportions, 
flourishing in stealthy trade in spite of the damage 
inflicted by the combatants of Europe. But their 
commerce never entirely recovered from the disas- 
trous effects of non-intercourse and the embargo. 
By a singular irony of fate, Madison, on whose 
shoulders had fallen the peaceful robe of Jefferson, 
was driven into a war of conquest and aggression, 
a war for which a timorous policy had ill prepared 
the country. It is not to be wondered at that the 



THE WAR OF 1812 55 

war of 1812 was a sectional and party contest, and 
that, by merely bringing it to a close, the adminis- 
tration won unprecedented popularity. 

Our attention in this volume is confined to the 
progTCss of events in the West, where from the 
first hostilities were fathered with a warm affec- 
tion. Madison and his fellows of the agricultural 
party had been set in motion by an infusion of 
young blood from the South, and especially the 
Southwest, which played strange pranks in the 
veins of the old Democracy. Vigorous and active 
was this young Democracy. It made itself felt 
in Congress in the persons of Clay and Grundy. 
It was strong in Ohio and in the Territories, which 
had not yet put on the toga virilis of statehood. 
For the occupation of new territory is an employ- 
ment analogous to conquest. Only in the more 
settled portion of Ohio had the rifle as yet been 
relegated to an ornamental position in the chimney 
corner; the farmer in the other portions of the 
Northwest still considered it an implement of hus- 
bandry. Moreover, the remembrance of British 
intrigues, hostile to the safety of the settler, was 
still fresh in his mind, and his hatred of England 
had not entirely passed away. He readily attrib- 
uted the present uneasiness of the Indians to her 
artful and cunning interference. 

The plantation owner of the South might possi- 
bly clamor for a war which would in all likelihood 
damage chiefly the commerce of his political oppo- 
nent. But the pioneer of the West had not the 



66 LEWIS CASS 

spirit of sectional prejudice, nor was he hypocriti- 
cal in his zeal for war ; he knew full well that, if 
hostilities began, the Indian war-whoop would be 
his reveille. There was a strong national pride in 
this portion of our country, which had been held 
as a national domain while the other States were 
wrangling as selfish members of an impotent con- 
federation. The pride of the Northwestern settler 
was not narrowed by petty traditions of a neigh- 
borhood. He at the very least divided his affec- 
tions between his old Eastern home and his new 
Western one. He might believe theoretically in 
the sovereignty of his new State, but he felt that 
he had brought over the mountains a portion of 
the holy fire which was still burning on the altar 
of the mother Republic. State sovereignty or 
spiteful sectionalism could not grow in rank luxu- 
riance in the Northwest, as the one did under the 
fierce heat of slavery, and the other in the equally 
torrid zone of trade and tariff. 

The suspicions of the Western settler were not 
unfounded; for British interference in the affairs 
of this country was not confined to impressment 
of seamen and the seizure of our merchantmen, 
nor was all hope of the disintegration of the Union 
relinquished when the frontier posts were at last 
delivered in 1796. For many years after that, 
there was an astute surveillance of Western affairs, 
and an attentive sympathy on the part of the 
English government for the Indian hunter, who 
was losing his hunting ground at the advance of 



THE WAR OF 1812 67 

the American farmer. As the war cloud in Eu- 
rope became darker, and the relations with Amer- 
ica became more strained, there was renewed in- 
terest on the part of England in the welfare of 
the poor red man. Efforts to attach the Indian 
to the British interests were evident. There was 
a feeling of imeasiness in Detroit as early as 1806. 
In 1807 direct solicitations for the Indian alliance 
were begun by the English. ^ In 1810 and 1811 
presents were handed out at Maiden to the visiting 
Indians with excessive generosity. The value of 
goods dealt out in the latter year exceeded that of 
common years by twenty thousand pounds sterling. 
"All their peltries," said Governor Harrison, 
"collected on the Wabash in one year, if sold in 
the London markets, would not pay the freight of 
the goods which have been given to the Indians." 2 
The efforts of Tecumseh and the prophet to form 
a complete confederation of the tribes of the West 
may be attributed to lofty Indian patriotism on 
the part of this red Alexander the Great and the 
medicine man, his brother. But there is little 
reason to doubt that much of their energy was 
due to British instigation,^ and that the battle of 

1 American State Papers, Indian Affairs, vol. i. p. 746. 

2 Farmer's History of Detroit and Michigan, p. 273 ; American 
State Papers, Indian Affairs, -vol. ii. pp. 798-802. 

« A Chapter of the War of 1812, by WQliam Stanley Hatch, p. 
102 ; North American Review, vol. xxiv. p. 381 ; Outlines of Po- 
litical History of Michigan, Campbell, p. 257 ; Eggleston's Tecum- 
seh, pp. 91, 92, 126, 127, etc. ; Drake's Life of Black Hawk, pp. 
62, 63. . 



58 LEWIS CASS 

Tippecanoe, in 1811, where Governor Harrison 
met and defeated those who had been enticed into 
the goodly fellowship of the prophet, was the real 
beginning of the war of 1812 in the West.^ 

Claims have been made that it was because of 
American greed and cruelty that the English were 
successful where the Americans desired to be ; but 
such assertions are without basis in the facts. 
During the Revolution the English government 
put a bounty on an American scalp as it might on 
the hide of a woK; and as the war of 1812 came 
on, the United States government endeavored to 
persuade the Indians not to yield to the solicita- 
tion of British agents, but did not endeavor until 
late in the war to procure assistance ^ even from 
those tribes which could not be brought into the 
British alliance. 

The remembrance of these facts has faded from 
the memory of those who goad themselves to a 
pitch of patriotism by recalling the arrogance of 
Britain on the sea. But these are facts, and there 
is no desire to heighten animosity by a recoloring 
of what may very well fade into indistinctness. 
The judgment of history, however, needs to be 

^ The situation in the West seems to have been much the same 
as it was twenty years before. The Indians were furnished with 
ammunition and supplies and were held as firm allies, but there 
was no attempt to incite them to hostilities before the war with 
America was beg^n. See Report of Canadian Archivist, 1893, p. 
47, etc. 

2 Governor Hull's address to Indiana, 1809, Michigan Pioneer 
Coll., p. 597. 



THE WAR OF 1812 59 

just. So long as such a book as James's "Mili- 
tary Occurrences" is seriously read and referred 
to in England as history, a plain statement of 
truth cannot be amiss. The Indians themselves 
on more than one occasion said that "their Great 
Father, the President, did not ask them to involve 
themselves in the quarrels of the white people, but 
to remain quiet spectators."^ 

All this may seem to have little to do with the 
young lawyer, whom we left practicing his profes- 
sion with diligence, and performing his official 
duties as United States marshal. But it has much 
to do with him; it is a part of his life. His whole 
career was changed by the outbreak of the war; 
a great portion of his life was devoted to counter- 
acting the effect of British influence over the In- 
dians; and an intimate acquaintance with Eng- 
land's ambition and diplomatic stealth made him 
through his whole life suspicious of her. 

Cass himself said in 1827 that the hope of pos- 
sessing Canada had no more influence upon the 
declaration of war than the possession of Paris in 
1814 by the allies had upon the origin of the Na- 
poleonic war. It is true that the United States 
would not have begun the war simply for purposes 
of conquest ; she was driven into it by a succession 
of annoyances which had grown absolutely un- 
bearable. But Cass, when he made this state- 
ment, must have forgotten the enthusiasm of his 
earlier days. Clay's proud boast that with a few 
1 American State Papers, Indian Affairs, vol. i., passim. 



60 LEWIS CASS 

Kentuckians he could conquer poor, oppressed 
Canada, found an echo in all the country west of 
the Alleghanies. There was an intense desire to 
invade the neighboring province, and ask England 
how she liked to wear the boot on the other foot. 
A firm belief in the blessings of American liberty- 
persuaded the Western citizen that the Canadian 
was waiting with impatience the opportunity to 
make such blessings his own. In no one had this 
adulation of Americanism developed more strongly 
than in Cass, and it was coupled with a fierce 
energy which seemed an augury of success. 

On February 6, 1812, Congress authorized the 
President to accept and organize certain volunteer 
military corps ; and on April 10 he was authorized 
to require the executives of the several States and 
Territories to take effectual measures to organize 
and equip their respective portions of 100,000 
militia. Ohio was called upon for her quota of 
men, and in May twelve hundred volunteers were 
called together at Dayton. They were divided 
into three regiments. Colonel McArthur had com- 
mand of the first, Colonel Findlay of the second, 
and Lewis Cass was colonel of the third. 

Cass here made his first address to his troops: 
"Fellow-citizens, — The standard of our country 
is displayed. You have rallied around it to de- 
fend her rights and to avenge her injuries. May 
it wave protection to our friends and defiance to 
our enemies ! And should we ever meet them in 
the hostile field, I doubt not but that the eagle of 



THE WAR OF 1812 61 , 

I 



America will be found more than a match for the 
British lion ! " These exclamatory antitheses were 
said to have been received with "rapturous enthu- 



siasm." 



In May Governor Hull, who at that time held 
the governorship of Michigan Territory, was ap- 
pointed brigadier-general. He had at first refused 
appointment partly because he differed from the 
administration as to the advisability of a land ap- 
proach to Canada, without support on the lakes, 
and partly also, doubtless, because he desired to 
shun responsibility, and dreaded to go back to 
Detroit as an active commander, where he had 
miserably failed as a civil governor, because of 
his pompous vacillation and ponderous indecision. 
However, he finally accepted, took command of 
the troops at Dayton, and marched to Urbana, 
where he was joined by the fourth regiment of 
regular infantry, about three hundred strong, un- 
der the command of Colonel Miller. This regi- 
ment had seen service under General Harrison in 
the Tippecanoe expedition, and was made up of 
tried men. The march to Detroit was a burden- 
some one. Part of the way had to be cut through 
the persistent underbrush, and from the Maumee 
northward the road in its normal condition was 
primeval mud and water. On June 26, when he 
was not far from the Maumee, General Hull re- 
ceived word from Washington, written early on 
the 18th, the very day on which war was declared, 
urging him to proceed to Detroit with all possible 



62 LEWIS CASS 

speed. The same day Colonel Mc Arthur received 
a letter from Chillicothe stating that before the 
letter reached him war would be begun. But the 
actual announcement that war had begun was not 
received until July 2. 

There is no need of covering up the multitude 
of sins of the Madison administration with any 
cloak of charitable inferences. It is simply inex- 
cusable that the British at Maiden should have 
received word two days earlier than Hull did, and 
that every effort was not made to give full infor- 
mation to our army, which was marching practi- 
cally into the very face of the enemy. In fact the 
message did not reach Cleveland until the 28th, 
ten days after the declaration. The administra- 
tion was creeping like a snail complainingly to 
war. But that does not entirely excuse Hull for 
trusting his baggage and papers to a vessel which, 
sailing on the 1st from the Maumee, was captured 
by the English off Maiden. He seems to have 
taken very literally the trenchant irony of Ran- 
dolph, who portrayed a "holiday campaign" in 
which Canada was to "conquer herself" and "be 
subdued by the principle of fraternity." 

It will be necessary in delineating this portion 
of Cass's life to enter somewhat fully into this 
inglorious campaign. For the wisdom of Hull's 
action is still a subject of discussion, and his de- 
scendants, with an amiable regard for his memory, 
have endeavored to defend his actions as wise, 
humane, and based on good military principles; 



THE WAR OF 1812 63 

while Cass, who was the chief witness afterwards 
against the general, has been accused of unworthy 
motives, as being the tool of an impotent adminis- 
tration, and a vile intriguer for favor. 

On July 5 the army reached Detroit. The men 
were quite ready to rest. Cass himself recalled 
in after years his feeling of gratification that the 
long journey was over. The "raw militia" of 
whom Hull complained had marched over two 
hundred miles thi'ough forest and swamps, build- 
ing bridges over smaller streams, and enduring 
hardship and fatigue. They found Detroit a 
French-American village of quaint aspect, a piece 
of old France partly inoculated with Americanism. 
An entirely new stockade had been erected by 
Governor Hull in 1807, and everything had a 
well-kept appearance. Cass afterwards stated that 
he thought some of the embrasures defective and 
the platform in need of repair. This may have 
been true, yet Hull is probably not justly charge- 
able with negligence for not putting the fort into 
better condition. 

There were in the whole of Michigan at that 
time about five thousand persons, and in Detroit 
proper not far from a thousand. The Americans 
in the Territory had used every means to acquaint 
the government with their dangers. They were 
a "double frontier," they said, for no farm was 
protected by another. With a trust that the gov- 
ernment would help those who helped themselves, 
they had raised four companies of militia, which 



64 LEWIS CASS 

were at this time commanded by Judge Witherell, 
an experienced Kevolutionary officer. They were 
men accustomed to the privations of frontier life, 
and had been in continual readiness for war since 
1805. Hildreth's estimate ^ that the militia of the 
Territory raised Hull's force to 1800 is a very low 
one. Nor will it do to pass over men of this kind 
with a slur at "militia." The militia of Michigan 
were no weaklings, and the Ohio troops were of 
the material which by many a hard fight has given 
the American volunteer system a glory above a 
sneer. That Hildreth's estimate, evidently based 
on Hull's own statement,^ is too low is quite appa- 
rent from the fact that Judge Witherell stated 
that he received a letter from Hull, dated June 
14, announcing that he would soon be at the River 
/ Raisin with about 2200 men; and that the general 
also wrote to the secretary of war that he was 
confident that his force would be superior to any 
which would be opposed to it, inasmuch as the 
"rank and file " exceeded 2000. The roll of troops 
at Fort Findlay showed 2075 men. Hull's de- 
fenders ^ do not deny that this number is substan- 
tially correct, but he asserted that there were 392 
men more than the President had ordered, and 
that he had no authority to take any surplus under 
his command. There were something like four 
hundred men * in the Michigan militia, and there 

1 Hildreth, Hist, of U. S., toI. vi. p. 338. 

2 Hull's Defense (Appendix to Trial), p. 42. 
8 History of the Campaign of 1812. 

* Hull's Memoirs, p. 125 ; Hull's Trial, p. 94. 



THE WAR OF 1812 65 

can be no doubt that Hull's effective army, after 
liberal deductions because of garrison duty, ill- 
ness, and other causes, reached over two thousand 
on July 6. 

Now was the time for action. The enemy at 
Maiden had an advantageous position; for they 
were south of Detroit, and could easily cross the 
river and intercept supplies. Hull afterwards said 
that, had he not been ordered to Detroit, he would 
have begun an attack upon the British from an- 
other quarter. This is all ex post facto imagina- 
tion. He knew when he left Dayton that he was 
bound for Detroit. And now when he was at De- 
troit he refused to enter Canada until he received 
authority from Washington. He preferred to 
leave the enemy their advantage rather than take 
active measures of hostility.^ 

The morning after the arrival of the army at 
Detroit, Colonel Cass was sent to Maiden with a 
flag of truce to obtain, if possible, the baggage 
and prisoners taken from the schooner which Hull 
had trustfully sent to Detroit from the Maumee. 
He was led blindfolded into the presence of the 
commanding officer, and his demands were re- 
fused ; but before he reached the fort he was able 
to make a casual survey, which induced him to 
believe that it was indefensible, and he so declared 
to General Hull. An examination of it a year 

1 It must be said that Hull realized and stated at the beginning 
the desirability of controlling the lake if anything effective was 
to be done in Upper Canada. 



66 LEWIS CASS 

later convinced him that his first assumption was 
well founded, and, inasmuch as Hull in previous 
years had been at Maiden several times, there was 
no reason why he also should not have appreciated 
its weakness. On the 9th orders were received 
from Washington authorizing the army to cross 
into Canada and begin offensive operations. A 
council of war was called, and Cass argued eagerly 
for immediate action. Deserters from Canada ac- 
quainted the Americans with the numbers of the 
British forces, and gave clear indication of the 
feeling prevailing among the inhabitants of upper 
Canada. Offensive operations were determined 
upon in the council, and the young officers were 
jubilant. But Hull was not hopeful. He advised 
the secretary of war not to be "too sanguine," 
as the "water and the savages" were commanded 
by the enemy. He did not care to burn all argu- 
mentative bridges behind him, even when he must 
have known that his force greatly outnumbered 
the enemy; and it is to be hoped that in after 
years, in his peaceful, bucolic existence, he found 
true satisfaction in the remembrance of his lugu- 
brious reports. In the latest review of this cam- 
paign, written with rare judgment and impartial- 
ity, the statement is made that Hull from the first 
"looked on the conquest of Canada as a result of 
his appearance." 1 The extract just made from 
his letter to the secretary of war, his hesitation in 

1 History of the United States of America during the First Ad- 
ministration of James Madison, by Henry Adams, vol. ii. p. 302. 



THE WAR OF 1812 67 

accepting the commission in the first place, Lis 
timid policy and delay, are hardly reconcilable, it 
seems to me, with this lenient interpretation of his 
conduct. 

Cass, we are told, took his stand in the bow of 
the first boat in which the troops were conveyed 
across the river, and was the first American to set 
his foot on Canadian soil after the declaration of 
war. This well suggests the ardor of the young 
colonel, whose zeal for war left no room for inde- 
cision and hesitation. He had used every means 
of obtaining information, and was satisfied that 
a prompt and bold attack would insure the fall of 
Maiden and the conquest of Upper Canada. The 
troops reached the Canadian shore just above the 
present town of Windsor, and the young Ohio 
colonel, who was always in the lead, hastened to 
raise the stars and stripes over the sleepy French 
settlement of Sandwich. A detachment of the 
enemy had abandoned their position opposite De- 
troit, and had hastened beyond the Canard River, 
nearer to the fort, which was twenty miles to the 
south of Hull's position. 

Two hundred copies of a proclamation, in which 
the fraternity theory was given full vent, were at 
once distributed. Subsequent events clothed it 
in a humorous garb, but it was declared able and 
vigorous by the press of the day, and there can be 
no doubt of its influence. No less an authority 
than Judge Campbell, in his "Outlines of the Po- 
litical History of Michigan," attributes this docu- 



68 LEWIS CASS 

ment to Cass ; ^ others whose means of information 
were good, and who were his personal friends, have 
made the same assertion. It certainly bears marks 
of the pomposity and incisiveness of Cass's earlier 
style. The American army was said to have come 
to rescue the perishing Canadians from the dragon 
of tyranny, to pour the balm of liberty and fra- 
ternal love into their wounds. They were called 
upon not to raise their hands against their "breth- 
ren." No assistance was required, for a force 
was at hand which would "look down all opposi- 
tion," and was a mere "vanguard" of the host 
which was to follow. Kare sport had the cunning 
pamphleteers afterwards with this confident an- 
nouncement of success. The "Wars of the Gulls " 
represents Madison, the "Great Mogul," solilo- 
quizing as follows: "By proclamation my illus- 
trious predecessor defended this extensive region 
during a long and warlike reign of eight years, 
and brought the belligerent powers of Europe to 
his feet. By proclamation I have commenced this 
great and perilous war, and by proclamation I 
will carry victory into the very chimney corner of 
the enemy." 

The inhabitants of Canada were warned, in this 
circular, that they need expect no quarter if found 
fighting by the side of an Indian, and that "the 
first stroke of the tomahawk, the first attempt of 
the scalping-knif e " would be the signal "for an 
indiscriminate scene of desolation." This clause 

1 See also Smith's Life and Times of Cass, p. 38. 



THE WAR OF 1812 69 

was the occasion of some contention between the 
commissioners at Ghent, where the American re- 
presentatives attempted to disown the whole pro- 
ceeding, asserting that it was unauthorized by 
their government. But such was not the fact. 
" Your letters, . . . together with your proclama- 
tion, have been received," wrote Secretary Eustis 
on August 1, 1812. "Your operations are ap- 
proved by the government." The English com- 
missioners shuddered in well counterfeited horror 
at the idea that an invading army should encourage 
treason and rebellion among the inhabitants of a 
neighboring province. But there is no doubt that 
such was the principle of the "fraternal" conquest 
of Canada; and it is equally true that England 
on her own part attempted to stimulate into open 
enmity the New England Federalists, who grum- 
bled without ceasing at the party war which bade 
fair to leave nothing more substantial than a re- 
membrance of their commerce, which the embargo 
had already "protected" into debility. 

The effect of this proclamation was immediate. 
Vaporous as it seems in the light of subsequent 
events, it was admirably adapted to win the disaf- 
fected, and to encourage the French habitants, 
who naturally sympathized with the Americans. 
The commander at Maiden wrote despondently to 
General Brock, who was governor in Upper Can- 
ada, and who, released from his civil duties, soon 
became the inspiring genius and hero of the war. 
" Hull's invidious proclamation," wrote Brock 



70 LEWIS CASS 

to Governor Prevost, "herewith inclosed, has al- 
ready been productive of considerable effect on the 
minds of the people. In fact, a general sentiment 
prevails that, with the present force, resistance is 
unavailing." ^ So widespread was the despondency 
that some of the militia in Upper Canada peremp- 
torily refused to march, as many as five hundred 
settlers in the western district sought the protec- 
tion of the enemy, 2 and the Indians on the Grand 
River refused to take up arms. Even Hull was 
encouraged to hope for success, and continued to 
"look down" all opposition with a masterly inac- 
tivity which never deviated into generalship. 

The Ohio colonels were eager for action. Cass 
urged that the army move immediately upon Mai- 
den, to take a position at least as near as the 
Canard River, which was some five miles distant 
from the British fort. One cannot say with assu- 
rance that Hull should have made an attack at 
once. And yet if he could not take the place his 
situation was full of danger from the very begin- 
ning. Even the safety of Detroit depended on 
the ability of the American army either to capture 
the British position or to hold the enemy com- 
pletely in check, inasmuch as the line of commu- 
nication with the south could be easily broken in 
upon. Whatever was to be done must be done 
quickly and with energy. But these were just the 

1 Brock to Prevost, July 20, 1812. Tapper's Life and Corre- 
spondence of Sir Isaac Brock, p. 203. 

2 Ibid. p. 204. 



THE WAR OF 1812 71 

qualities that Hull lacked; and if his subordinates 
were wrong in asking for prompt action, he was 
unable to impress himself upon them or to bring 
them to respect his more experienced judgment. 

No forward step was now taken. The Ameri- 
can army remained quietly at Sandwich, some 
twenty miles from the enemy, and awaited devel- 
opments. Colonel Miller, with a few troops, made 
an expedition into the country, and, returning 
with provisions, demonstrated the weakness of the 
enemy. Cass, because of his much asking, was 
allowed to take two hundred and eighty men and 
push his way as near as possible to the enemy's 
stronghold for the purpose of ascertaining its con- 
dition. He wanted nothing better. The river Ta- 
rontee, as the Indians called it, which has gen- 
erally figured in history under its French name of 
the Canard, is a stream of considerable depth, 
flowing through low, marshy ground into the De- 
troit. Here a detachment of the enemy was posted, 
and here was fought the first battle of the war. 
Cass, to divert the attention of the enemy, left a 
company of riflemen near the bridge which crossed 
the stream not far from its mouth. He proceeded 
with the rest of his troops five miles up the stream 
to a ford, and came down the left bank. An im- 
petuous charge upon the hostile line threw it into 
confusion. Three times the British formed, and 
were as often beaten back. But night was falling. 
Cass recalled his men to the bridge, and sent word 
of his success to General Hull. 



72 LEWIS CASS 

This first victory of the war was accepted through 
the country as prophetic of success, and Cass was 
hailed as the "Hero of the Tarontee."i "Hold 
the bridge, and begin operations at once," was the 
eager advice of the young officers. But Hull 
thought the position too exposed, finally saying 
that Miller and Cass might use their own judg- 
ment; they withdrew, for they insisted that the 
commanding officer ought to have the responsi- 
bility. A withdrawal meant a proclamation to aU 
Canada that the American general considered him- 
self as yet too weak to take a stand nearer than 
twenty miles from the enemy, who were then, un- 
doubtedly, greatly outnumbered. The young offi- 
cers now openly murmured. They had hardly 
expected that sluggishness would degenerate into 
absolute immovability. There is little reason to 
doubt that from this time the feeling of distrust 
of their general steadily increased, imtil McArthur, 
Findlay, and Cass actually plotted his deposition 
and the installation of McArthur as the command- 
ing officer. Cass constantly urged movement and 
action, except on one occasion, when he deferred 
to the superior technical wisdom of the artillery 
commanders. In various skirmishes he showed 
his ardor for the conflict. 

General Hull had charge of more than the mili- 
tary operations in Upper Canada; he was, as well, 
governor of Michigan Territory; yet for some 
reason, he took no step to announce the outbreak 
1 Lossing's Field-Book of the War of 1812, p. 265.^ 



THE WAR OF 1812 73 

of hostilities to the American garrison at Macki- 
naw, and the first announcement they received 
was the summons to surrender, accentuated by the 
frowning muzzles of British artillery, which had 
been cleverly placed to command the fort at the 
weakest point. Of course the island was surren- 
dered, and a post which might have retained a 
controlling influence over the northern Indians 
was turned over to the British. This has been 
attributed to the criminal remissness or imbecility 
of the secretary of war.^ But the truth of this 
assertion is no justification for Governor Hull's 
failure to put himself into communication with the 
different portions of his territory. The army in 
Canada was now distracted, restless, grumbling. 
The general had no confidence in himself or in 
others, and the fall of Mackinaw took away even 
that which he had. Hourly the northern Indians 
might aj)pear upon the scene, and Hull was borne 
down with a dread of their barbarous warfare. 

Colonel Proctor arrived at Fort Maiden with 
some reinforcements, and an aggressive warfare 
on the part of the English began. Word was 
received that the provisions and men for which 
Hull had been calling had been sent forward by 
Governor Meigs, and were at the River Eaisin. 
Captain Brush, who was in command of these 
reinforcements, asked for an escort; for the Brit- 
ish could easily cross the river and intercept him 
on his way to Detroit. Hull hesitated. But the 
1 Lossing's Pictorial Field-Book of the War of 1812, p. 271. . 



74 LEWIS CASS 

Obio colonels forced him into compliance. An 
inadequate force was then sent under Major Van 
Horn. They were repulsed with loss, and Hull's 
mail fell into the hands of the British authorities. 
Again Cass and the other colonels said: "Send 
five hundred men to escort Brush to Detroit." 
"I can only spare a hundred," ^ replied Hull from 
behind his defenses at Sandwich. At length, on 
August 7, stung into motion by the insistence^ of 
his subordinates, he announced a general and im- 
mediate attack on the British fort. The army 
were joyfully engaged in active preparations when 
Hull summoned his officers and told them that he 
had decided to recross to Detroit, and on August 8 
the army slunk back to its own territory disheart- 
ened, mutinous, and surly. The situation was 
now discouraging, and Hull proposed to give up 
Detroit and retreat beyond the Maumee. Had 
he at any time tested properly the strength of the 
enemy or shown the requisite energy and confidence, 
there might have been little opposition to this 
plan; for any one must have been able to see that 
Detroit could not be permanently held unless the 
army was strong enough to guard its line of com- 
munications. But when Hull suggested the pro- 
priety of retreating, Cass informed him that the 
Ohio militia in a body would refuse to obey such 
an order. 

1 Lossing, p. 277. 

2 Forbes's Eep&rt of Trial of Brigadier-General William Hull, 
p. 57. 



THE WAR OF 1812 75 

Another force, under Colonel Miller, was sent 
down the river to escort Captain Brush. When 
they had completed about half the distance to the 
Eaisin, a deadly fire was opened upon them from 
Indians and English in ambush. The men re- 
sponded gallantly to Colonel Miller's "Charge! 
boys, charge!" and one of the most brilliant en- 
gagements of the war resulted in a victory for the 
Americans. But the victory had to be followed 
up, or Proctor would hurry across from Maiden 
with more troops ; for he well knew that Hull had 
given up all idea of offensive action. Colonel 
Miller reported his success, and asked for provi- 
sions. He had been injured by a fall from his 
horse, but he did not ask to be recalled. On the 
way to Detroit his messenger met Colonel Cass, 
and that officer, learning of Miller's condition, 
added the following characteristic dispatch : " Sir, 
Colonel Miller is sick; may I relieve him? L. 
Cass."^ But the eagerness of Cass and the brav- 
ery of Miller must go for naught. Miller was 
immediately ordered back to Detroit, while the 
general contented himself with lamenting that the 
blood of seventy -five men had been shed in vain.^ 

The colonels now seriously thought of deposing ^ 
their general; but they finally agreed that Gover- 

1 Lossing's Field-Book of the War of 1812, p. 282. The only 
authority I can find for statement in the text. 

2 Armstrong's Notices of the War 0/1812, vol. i. p. 30. 

8 A Chapter of the War of 1812, William Stanley Hatch, p. 40, 
and other references ; Letter of Cass to Secretary of War, Sep- 
tember 10, 1812. 



76 LEWIS CASS 

nor Meigs should hasten to Detroit with assistance, 
and they hoped that he would accept the command. 
Cass at once wrote a cautious letter to the gover- 
nor, hinting at Hull's incompetence, and stating 
that Maiden might have fallen, but that the 
"golden opportunity " had passed. Before the 
letter was signed the following significant post- 
script was added : " Believe all the bearer will tell 
you. Believe it, however it may astonish you, as 

much as if told by one of us. Even a C is 

talked of by the . The bearer will fill the 

vacancy."^ 

Brock, a general of dash, vigor, and wonderful 
self-confidence, now arrived at Maiden. A few 
regulars and nearly three hundred militia ^ accom- 
panied him. The numbers of the Indians had 
lately increased somewhat, although none of the 
northern Indians appeared at Detroit until some 
time after the catastrophe of this serio-comic 
drama. Brock erected a battery where it might 
effectually play upon the American fort. But no 
attempt was made to prevent the erection of this 
work or to drive the enemy from it; General Hull, 
with admirable sententiousness, replied to Captain 
Dalliby, who asked permission to open fire upon 
them: "Mr. Dalliby, I will make an agreement 
with the enemy that, if they wiU never fire on me, 
I will never fire on them. Those who live in glass 
houses must not throw stones." 

Events now hurried to a crisis. On August 14 

1 NUes'a Begister, vol. iii. p. 39. » x,i/e of Brock, p. 335. 



THE WAR OF 1812 77 

McArthur and Cass with three hundred and fifty 
men were sent as an escort to Captain Brush, who 
had determined to find his way to Detroit by a 
trail which ran some thirty miles back from the 
river. These young officers were becoming alto- 
gether too restless, and might be seriously thinking 
of mutiny, or, more terrible still, of fighting! On 
August 15 Brock sent Hull the following letter: 
" The force at my disposal authorizes me to require 
of you the immediate surrender of Detroit. It is 
far from my inclination to join you in a war of 
extermination; but you must be aware that the 
numerous body of Indians, who have attached 
themselves to my troops, will be beyond my con- 
trol the moment the contest commences. You will 
find me disposed to enter into such conditions as 
will satisfy the most scrupulous sense of honor. 
Lieutenant-Colonel McDonell and Major Glegg 
are fully authorized to conclude any arrangement 
that may lead to prevent the unnecessary effusion 
of blood." 1 Hull detained the messenger some 
two hours, and then returned an answer fairly 
bristling with defiance. 

Headquarters, Detroit, August 15, 1812. 

I have received your letter of this date. I have no 
other reply to make than to inform you that I am pre- 
pared to meet any force which may be at your disposal, 
and any consequences which may result from any exer- 
tion of it you may think proper to make.^ 

I am, etc., . . . William Hull, etc. 

1 Tupper's Life of Brock, p. 231 ; Hull's Memoirs, p. 95. 

2 Hull's Memoirs, p. 96. 



78 LEWIS CASS 

Immediately the British guns opened on Detroit, 
and the American guns replied. Some damage 
was done to the frail structures of the town, which 
was beginning to present a spectacle demoralizing 
and pitiful. The people of the neighborhood had 
crowded into the place for protection. Trembling 
women and bewildered children pleaded by their 
presence for a bold stand against Indian cruelty 
and vengeance. All had lost confidence in their 
obsolete general, and he, tenderhearted and com- 
passionate, was overwhelmed with dread and op- 
pressed with responsibility. Occasionally the old 
Revolutionary spirit awakened within him, but it 
was generally smothered by the kindly weakness 
and hesitancy which prompted to pity and ended 
in cruel inactivity.^ 

The quiet, beautiful Sabbath morning of August 
16 was rudely disturbed by the booming of the 
British cannon. Again were pictured forth to the 
general's mind awful scenes of Indian atrocities, 
the unspeakable horrors of the tomahawk and 
scalping-knife. His memory of border tales and 
fables furnished food to his greedy imagination. 
"My God! " he exclaimed, "what shall I do with 
these women and children?" He sat on the 
ground, with his back toward the wall of the fort, 

1 " Desperate the situation seemed to be ; yet a good general 
would have saved Detroit for some weeks. . . . Doubtless his 
fears were well founded, but a general-in-chief whose mind was 
paralyzed by such thoughts could not measure himself with Isaac 
Brock." Adams's History of the United States during the First 
Administration of James Madison, vol. ii. p. 327. 



THE WAR OF 1812 79 

overcome with anxiety and distress. "He appar- 
ently unconsciously filled his mouth with tobacco, 
putting in quid after quid more than he generally 
did; the spittle colored with tobacco juice ran 
from his mouth on his neckcloth, beard, cravat, 
and vest."^ The enemy cross the river; not a 
shot from American guns or cannon threatens 
them. They march toward Detroit along a nar- 
row road, where a well-posted battery can shatter 
their lines. Not a gun is fired to check them; 
but a ball from the battery at Sandwich takes 
effect in the fort ; women are carried away sense- 
less; men are killed, and a white flag flutters over 
the bastions of the American defenses. 

That was the end of the "proclamatory " inva- 
sion of Canada. Cass and McArthur were hurry- 
ing back, hoping to reach the fort before there 
was any real danger, or to attack the enemy in 
the rear if he was on the American side of the 
river. But the white flag had spiked the British 
guns, and, as they neared Detroit, not a cannon 
shot awakened the echoes to summon them to ac- 
tion. They soon found that Hull had included 
them and their force in his capitulation, without 
giving them a chance to escape. Cass, exasper- 
ated beyond endurance, snapped his sword in 

1 HuWs Trial, p. 40. Testimony of Major Snelling. There is 
some testimony to the efFect that Hull conducted himself pro- 
perly ; but the overwhelming weight of evidence seems to be that 
he was at this time utterly unfit for the responsibilities of the 
moment. 



80 LEWIS CASS 

twain, rather than disgrace himself by its sur- 
render. "Basely to surrender without firing a 
gun ! " he moaned in mingled anger and chagrin. 
"Tamely to submit without raising a bayonet!'* 
Even Brush and his men were included in the sur- 
render at Hull's own instance. For forty years 
to come Detroit citizens could not remember the 
occurrence without flushing with mortification. 
HuU did not have the courage of brave Croghan, 
who, with his little garrison surrounded by thirty 
times its numbers, answered a summons to surren- 
der with the reply, " When the fort shall be taken 
there will be none to massacre." On this sad 
16th of August a band of Kentucky volunteers, 
collected to reinforce Hull, were listening at 
Georgetown to the eloquence of Clay, who pictured 
in joyful anticipation the capture of Maiden and 
the conquest of Upper Canada. 

It is difficult to ascertain with exactness the 
number of the men surrendered or of those com- 
manded by Brock. Hull estimated his own effec- 
tive force at less than 1000, ^ Cass at 1060,^ not 
including either the 300 Michigan militia on duty 
or the detachment sent to meet Brush. Brock, 
intoxicated with success, reports the capture of 
2500 men.3 This was undoubtedly an exaggera- 

1 Hull's Memoirs ; Clarke's History of the Campaign of 1812, 
etc., p. 386. 

2 Niles's Register, p. .38 ; Cass's Letter to the Secretary of War ; 
HuWs Trial, Appendix No. II. p. 27. 

3 Tapper's Life of Brock, p. 247. 



THE WAR OF 1812 81 

tion. His own men, however, aggregated, accord- 
ing to his own report, 1330, including 600 Indians. 
Possibly he underestimated, for his own glorifi- 
cation, the number of his savage allies. To an 
inferior besieging force, for the Indians are noto- 
riously useless in attacking a fortress, Hull sur- 
rendered with such indecent speed that he made 
no provision for the Canadians who had deserted 
to him, nor for the men who were with him and 
had been eager to fight by his side. 

No proper steps had been taken by the govern- 
ment to protect the distant frontier, and Hull had 
already sent orders for the evacuation of Fort 
Dearborn, where Chicago now stands; and in spite 
of the intercession of those who realized the danger, 
Captain Heald obeyed the order, withdrew his 
garrison and the families from the fort, and began 
the long, dreary march to Detroit. They knew 
that they were marching to their doom, and as 
they left their fort, their little military band is 
said to have struck up the Dead March in Said. 
It was at least appropriate. Men, women, and 
children were murdered in a desperate conflict, 
scarcely any escaping to tell of the event. 

One problem remains to be examined: how to 
account for Brock's rash attack upon a strong for- 
tress defended by a superior force. The answer 
has been already suggested. He discovered Hull's 
trepidation, was sure that his opponent was weak, 
faltering, and despondent. He thus exultingly 
wrote to his brothers on September 3 : — 



82 LEWIS CASS 

Some say that nothing could be more desperate than 
the measure ; but I answer that the state of the province 
admitted of nothing but desperate remedies. I got pos- 
session of the letters of my antagonist addressed to the 
secretary of war, and also of the sentiments which hun- 
dreds of his army uttered to their friends. ... It is 
therefore no wonder that envy should attribute to good 
fortune what, in justice to my own discernment, I must 
say proceeded from a cool calculation of the pours and 
contres.^ 

The soldiers were paroled, and went, shamefaced 
and angry, to their homes. Hull was taken to 
Montreal, but was released by his captors, perhaps 
in hopes that his loud laments over the imbecility 
of the administration might heighten disaffection.^ 
Cass, paroled, under Colonel McArthur's orders, 
hastened to Washington, and made a report to the 
secretary of war, which, full of indignation and 
disgust, was yet a fair statement of the disastrous 
incompetence of the general. The people were 
wild with excitement, and poured out abuse on all 
concerned in the childish totterings of the cam- 
paign. The administration and its feeble generals, 
quite willing to secure a victim for the sacrifice, 
led Hull, complaining, to the altar. A court- 
martial met at Albany in January, 1814. Major- 
General Dearborn, whose considerate and peaceful 

1 Tapper's Life of Brock. 

2 A letter from Prevo3t to Bathurst says, " Hull has been 
allowed to go to Boston on parole ... for the purpose of just- 
ifying his conduct to his government." Report of Canadian 
Archivist, 1893, p. 73. 



THE WAR OF 1812 83 

mode of warfare had prevented him from making 
a diversion in Hull's favor, sat as president, and 
Martin Van Buren appeared as special judge advo- 
cate. Cass was the first witness. His testimony- 
was convincing and overwhelming, and was cor- 
roborated by that of Mc Arthur and others. Yet 
his statements have been attributed to sinister 
motives. He has been charged with duplicity as 
a tool of the administration, although it is per- 
fectly evident that his enmity towards Hull began 
in those dreary days in Canada, when Hull's en- 
ergy was absorbed in summoning councils and dis- 
covering excuses for fatal delay. A letter written 
by Cass to his brother-in-law, Silliman, a few 
days before the surrender, introduced by Hull to 
prove the inconsistency of his accuser, has been 
forced to carry that burden even by later writers. 
But a fair interpretation will show neither incon- 
sistency nor equivocation. 

The court-martial was probably prejudiced 
against Hull ; and yet one cannot say that its find- 
ings were altogether unwarranted. Dearborn him- 
self had been inefficient, and was in part to blame 
for the perilous situation in which the arrival of 
Brock with reinforcements placed the western 
army. The war department also had expected too 
much of Hull, and had not taken prompt and 
active measures either to keep the enemy occupied 
in the East, or to give Hull other necessary assis- 
tance in his undertakings. And yet any one look- 
ing over the evidence will be likely to say that he 



84 LEWIS CASS 

was not fit for his arduous and difficult task, and 
that, deficient at first in activity and energy, he 
showed at the end culpable indecision and a timid- 
ity which seemed to many of the onlookers nothing 
less than cowardice. Perhaps he would have been 
justified in retiring beyond the Maumee, as soon 
as he heard of Brock's approach, or saw that he 
could only with the greatest difficulty, if at all, 
keep his communication open; but he was not 
entirely guiltless of producing the state of affairs 
which provoked the threat that the militia would 
refuse to obey an order to retreat. 

The court found General Hull guilty of coward- 
ice and neglect of duty, and sentenced him to be 
shot. Madison, tempering justice with mercy, 
approved the sentence, but remitted its execution, 
out of respect for the past services of one who, as 
a boy fresh from college, entered the patriot army 
immediately after Lexington, fought with cool and 
fearless energy, endured sufferings and fatigues 
with noble cheerfulness, and received acknowledg- 
ments of faithfulness from Washington himself. 
His last years were spent in comfort, but not in 
luxury. Presiding with simple unaffectedness at 
the "bounteous Thanksgiving dinner," or watch- 
ing his merry grandchildren dancing in time to 
the music "of old Tillo's fiddle,"^ he was much 
nearer his proper occupation than when command- 
ing a rough, boisterous, backwoods army in a dan- 
gerous and important campaign. 

1 Memorial and Biographical Sketches, James Freeman Clarke, 
p. 439. 




.^^2^;^.^^ 



THE WAR OF 1812 85 

In December, 1812, Cass was appointed major- 
general in the Ohio militia, but he was not yet 
exchanged, and was prevented by his parole from 
entering into active service. In January the Presi- 
dent determined to raise two regiments of regular 
troops in Ohio, and Cass, instructed to raise one, 
was appointed a colonel in the army, February 
20, 1813.1 His parole was removed about the 
middle of January, and he then proceeded with his 
task. Ohio and Kentucky were furious at the 
defeat and surrender of HuU. A perfect tidal 
wave of patriotism and resentment swept over 
these States, and Cass had no difficulty in obtain- 
ing his quota of men. The government, confiding 
in his fidelity and energy, now made him briga- 
dier-general ^ in the regular army, to . act under 
Major-General Harrison in the West. 

In January, 1813, General Winchester had 
marched toward Detroit with a fine army of stal- 
wart Kentuckians, the foremost young men in the 
State, who were burning to avenge the surrender 
of Detroit, and to give a sound whijjping to the 
Indians, whose successful insolence was madden- 
ing to a Kentucky pioneer. The massacre at the 
River Raisin was the sad end of their hopes. 
Robbing, plundering, murdering, scalping, vile 
mutilations, barbarities too horrible to mention, 
followed the fall of the brave Kentuckians, who 
had come so full of eager pride and bravery. From 

1 Records of War Department. 

2 March 12, 1813. Records of War Department. 



86 LEWIS CASS 

that time to the battle of the Thames the Indians, 
unrestrained by the infamous Proctor, were a con- 
tinual menace to the whole territory of Michigan. 
Their cruelties were constant. Property was wasted 
or destroyed; everywhere were confusion, misery, 
and fear.^ 

General Cass was actively engaged in the cam- 
paign of 1813. He was, as before, energetic and 
hopeful, a strong support for General Harrison, 
who relied upon his advice and trusted in his wis- 
dom. They worked well together. After years 
found Cass a courageous defender of the "Hero 
of Tippecanoe," when political scribblers fought 
the battles over again, and sought to prove the 
victor a slovenly child of fortune. Some manoeu- 
vrings in the neighborhood of Sandusky were 
without importance to the main body of the army, 
though rendered famous by Croghan's courageous 
defense of his fort. On September 10 Commodore 
Perry sent Harrison his famous laconic, "We 
have met the enemy, and they are ours." The 
victorious fleet at once conveyed Harrison to Can- 
ada. In spite of the taunts of Tecumseh, who 
likened the retreating general to a "fat dog that 
drops his tail between his legs and runs off," Proc- 
tor abandoned Maiden and retreated to the inte- 

1 Michigan 'Pioneer Collection, vol. iv. p. 320 ; Wisconsin's His- 
torical Collection, vol. iii. p. 318, Witherell's Reminiscences ; Niles'a 
Register, vol. i. p. 91, giving Judge Woodward's letter to General 
Proctor ; Barbarities of the Enemy, A Report of the Committee 
of the House of Representatives (1813), Troy, 1813. 



THE WAR OF 1812 87 

rior. He was pursued and defeated at the battle 
of the Thames. " Kentuekians, remember the 
River Raisin! " was the inspiring battle-cry. Te- 
cumseh, a braver and abler general than his white 
chief, was there killed by Colonel R. M. Johnson. 
Only a small portion of Cass's command was pre- 
sent at this fight. He acted, therefore, as aide- 
de-camp to General Harrison, and was rewarded 
with a complimentary notice of his services in the 
general's report to the secretary of war. 



CHAPTER rV 

GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 

The battle of the Thames secured the Northwest 
to the Americans. General Harrison, desiring to 
cooperate with our army in eastern Canada and 
New York, left the command of Detroit and the 
subjugated portion of western Canada to General 
Cass. The situation was not a simj)le one. The 
Indians, excited by the bloodshed and pillage of 
the preceding winter and spring, were restless and 
a constant menace to the little village and the 
people of the whole region, which was already 
desolated by the war. On October 29 the Presi- 
dent appointed Cass governor of Michigan Terri- 
tory. He prepared at once to assume the arduous 
duties of his new office. During a portion of the 
succeeding winter he attended the trial of Hull at 
Albany, where he was the chief witness. With 
the exception of some such temporary absences as 
this, he was continually resident in the Territory 
for the next eighteen years, giving to its people 
the energy of his young manhood and vigorous 
middle age, and inseparably connecting his name 
with the foundation and progress of Michigan and 
the development of the Northwest. 



GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 89 

Life at the frontier post was occasionally ro- 
mantic, but never free from grave responsibility 
and anxiety. At the outset duties pressed upon 
him in battalions. Although General Harrison 
had concluded an armistice with the greater por- 
tion of tribes, many hostile Indians were still in 
the neighborhood, and must be kept in subjection. 
The homeless fugitives, robbed of their all by the 
hirelings of Proctor, needed protection and sup- 
port. Detroit, itself in confusion and anarchy, 
demanded the careful, firm, and kind hand of 
friendly authority. Through the whole winter of 
1813-14 Michigan Territory was in a pitiful con- 
dition. The poor people from the Raisin district, 
whose houses had been burned or left in desola- 
tion, without food or means to obtain it, hovered, 
clamoring, in the village where the young governor 
was expected to turn the stones into bread. The 
lives of the French people had been spared by 
the Indians because of the general friendliness be- 
tween the two races, but the hungry savages had 
killed their cattle, carried off the fruit from the 
orchards, burnt the fences and the floors of the 
houses, and left the habitant in the direst destitu- 
tion. Above all, many Indians, no longer sup- 
plied from the train-bands of the British army, 
were themselves thrown on the mercy and human- 
ity of the Americans. The public stores were 
used to drive away actual starvation ; but so great 
was the want and poverty that a petition for help 
was sent to Washington ; in response to which the 



90 LEWIS CASS 

President asked Congress for a special appropria- 
tion. 

Nothing can be said in exaggeration of the deso- 
late state of Michigan for about two years after 
its recovery by the Americans. The French at the 
Kiver Raisin, who, with all their ignorance of 
farming, had had comfortable cabins, as well as 
fields and orchards which supplied their humble 
wants, were reduced to such penury on their re- 
turn to their farms that even very meagre food 
was obtained with difficulty. They lacked the 
nervous tension and vigor which tones up the 
American pioneer to resist expected danger and 
surmount difficulties. Light-hearted and cheerful 
in all ordinary trials, their easy-going dispositions, 
their unfamiliarity with the common devices which 
necessity begets in the frontier life of the inventive 
Yankee, their content with the past, and faith in 
the imearned blessings of the future, kept them 
penniless and breadless when keener intelligence 
might have lifted them above want. The settlers 
near Detroit were in woeful straits, but everything 
seems to show that the French of the River Raisin 
were more ignorant and less thrifty than the habi- 
tant to the north, and upon them had come the 
extreme cruelty and destruction of the war. Cass 
worked for his hungry Territory with untiring vigi- 
lance, distributing largesses from the public stores, 
calling upon the government for aid, organizing 
and instructing with zeal and energy. No portion 
of his career is more worthy of admiration than 



GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 91 

this, when his direst enemies were anarchy and 
hunger. A true picture of the governorship of 
Cass and the early history of the reclaimed Terri- 
tory will be shaded into its proper depth of color 
by a remembrance of the peculiar trials attending 
them. 

Besides the general poverty and distress of the 
Territory, other dangers confronted the people of 
the "double frontier." When the Indians, threat- 
ened by starvation, were not praying for suste- 
nance at the hands of the authorities, they seem 
to have been satisfying their hatred of the "big 
knives," as they called the Americans, by unex- 
pected attacks upon them and their property. 
They beleaguered the little village, pillaging, mur- 
dering, and scalping in the ruthless fashion which 
they had adopted under Proctor's tender instruc- 
tion. Cass felt that his great task was to restore 
confidence to the cowering people, to induce them 
to return to their homes, and to begin again their 
peaceful lives. As a first step to this end, he de- 
cided that these annoyances from the savages must 
cease. A bold attack upon the Indians seemed 
the most satisfactory method of procedure; and, 
successful in that, a stockade might be built and 
blockhouses reared at the expense of the general 
government, to protect the frontier and overawe 
the red men. In September, 1814, the settlement 
was in especial danger from these marauding 
bands, and the young men of the village organized 
for an attack. General Cass led the little com- 



92 LEWIS CASS 

pany into a bloody skirmish, in which the Indians 
were beaten. During the whole affair Cass dis- 
played that calm ignoring of danger which was so 
characteristic of him, and which powerfully influ- 
enced the impressionable savage. Kiding at the 
head of his men, he was advised by one of his 
company, Major Whipple, to fall back to the 
centre, as, should he be killed, it might create 
confusion; but he answered, "Oh, major, I am 
pretty well off here; let us push on." Various 
sallies of this character upon the Indians skulking 
along the river soon freed the people of their more 
abject fear. All had confidence in their young 
governor, and willingly followed him into any 
danger. "His constant, unremitting vigilance 
and energetic conduct saved our people from many 
of the horrors of war, and he was sustained by our 
habitants.^^ ^ 

The savages had rendered the British such effi- 
cient service that in 1814 our government strove to 
obtain like aid. Possibly we can plead in justifi- 
cation that this was merely a defensive measure, 
but we cannot deny the fact. July 22, 1814, 
General Harrison and Governor Cass met in coun- 
cil with a number of Indians at Greenville, Ohio, 
and there entered into an agreement in which the 
Indians promised assistance, and the commissioners 
pledged protection. Cass returned to Detroit, ac- 
companied by a band which became personally 
attached to him. Fortunately his influence over 

1 Witlierell's Reminiscences, Wisconsin Hist. Col. vol. iii. p. 324. 



GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 93 

them was so great that the disgraceful scenes of 
Proctor's occupation were not repeated. The use 
of savages in civilized warfare is inexcusable; but 
in this case the disastrous consequences were re- 
duced to a minimum. 

In spite of the successful vigor of Cass, his situ- 
ation was perilous and anxious until the close of 
the war. Having resigned his military commission 
April 6, 1814,1 he found himself in the anomalous 
position of bearing responsibility unassisted by 
the requisite authority. The few United States 
troops that had been left at Detroit objected to 
receiving commands from a civil officer ; the con- 
stant presence of threatening Indians, and the 
disordered condition of the defenses of the town 
called for action in preparation for a possible re- 
currence of the events of 1812. Should our army 
prove ineffective in the East, or should affairs in 
Europe suddenly take a different turn, Detroit 
might again, in an instant, become a salient point 
and a position of great strategic importance. A 
letter of August 13, from the secretary of war, 
authorized the governor, in the absence of a gen- 
eral officer, to take command of all the forces at 
Detroit in case of attack. But with such half- 
hearted trust he was not content. All save a very 
few troops were bravely sent to the East to assist 
the movement of our army on the Niagara fron- 
tier, and he was obliged to rely mainly on the 
volunteer services of the weary and pillaged in- 

^ Records of War Department. 



94 LEWIS CASS 

habitants of the Territory. Even in these straits 
he did not stand all the day idle, complaining of 
his helplessness; but with his "pet Indians" he 
gave material aid in the progress of the war by 
making feints against the Canadian inhabitants 
and property in the eastern portion of Upper 
Canada. He asserted, however, in his communi- 
cations to the War Department, that should a 
general attack be made by the British forces, he 
should retire from the Territory, unaided as he was 
by the militia from the south, which he had had 
every reason to expect. Amid all these troubles 
and anxieties, the work of bringing order and 
tranquillity into the disordered Territory went 
bravely on. 

Peace came to a jubilant country before another 
campaign brought its load of mingled victory and 
defeat. Men wept in each other's arms in joy 
that the war was over, — a war conducted with 
neither energy nor skill, and concluded by a treaty 
that was little more than an armistice, settling 
none of the questions for which we had blustered 
into the war, with our armor rusty and our flint- 
locks out of repair. Our victories on the sea had, 
however, beaten into our opponents a modicum of 
respect for us. Now, at last, to the happy people 
the sky seemed spanned by a bow of promise, — 
no more impressments, no more highway robbery 
of men and goods from well-behaving neutrals. 
The pot of gold at the foot of this rainbow did 
not, however, lie in the neighborhood of Detroit. 



GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 95 

Peace for a moment shed its warming rays into 
that desolate country ; but it served only to render 
more visible the havoc of the war, and to show the 
immensity of the task of restoring prosperity and 
confidence and of raising the Territory into a self- 
sustaining portion of the country. 

The work of General Cass's governorship natu- 
rally divides itself into a series of undertakings, 
which clearly present themselves as one glances 
back over the period, and the importance of which 
he, at the time, fully realized. By his apprecia- 
tion of the peculiar duties laid upon him, he made 
them more distinct, and gave to his administration 
a singular completeness and unity. His greatest 
problem, embracing or touching all the rest, was 
to convert the French settlement, at present tor- 
tured by actual want and, at its best, defenseless, 
foreign, and slow, into an active American commu- 
nity, prosperous and progressive in peace, capable 
of self-defense in war, a real buckler to that 
Northwest which never ceased to tempt the covet- 
ous eyes of the English. Michigan must be Ameri- 
canized and colonized ; its strategic value must be 
estimated aright and its physical charms displayed ; 
the whole Northwest must be so protected and 
guided that the tide of immigration which had set 
in over its southeastern border would encounter 
no wall in its onward sweep, until it had carried 
the schoolhouse and the newspaper into the far- 
thest corner of that land where the Jesuit had, a 
century before, planted his cross and sung his ave. 



96 LEWIS CASS 

In 1846-47, thirty years after the first trials of 
his governorship, Cass was struggling in the Sen- 
ate for the possession of the far Northwest above 
the line of 49° ; that contest was the afterglow of 
the fire of his younger life, which had been de- 
voted to the extension of his country's civilization 
into its remote and seemingly unattractive corners. 
The distress consequent upon the British and 
Indian occupation of Michigan was, as has been 
said, partly relieved before the war was finished. 
But through the whole summer of 1815 many of 
the inhabitants needed assistance. In May, 1815, 
the War Department authorized Governor Cass to 
distribute $1500 among the poor of the Territory. 
This trifling sum, which would hardly keep star- 
vation at bay, much less provide for making the 
people self-supporting, he was directed to spend 
with care and economy, and to draw for more if 
necessary.^ The national government was not so 
freighted with a surplus after the war that it could 
afford to do more than dribble out its dollars. 
This money, spent in flour to be given to the 
Raisin settlers, was a temporary relief, but not 
a remedy for the ills of the Territory. ^ So many 
of the people were without the fundamental ideas 
of sensible farming that thrift and prosperity could 
not be purchased by occasional alms. The happy 
French farmers near Detroit were content with 
their big orchards and shaggy ponies. The poorer 

^ Archives in State Department of Michigan. 
2 Ibid. 



GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 97 

ones, brought for the time being out of actual suf- 
fering, began again their careless farming, making 
no attempt to push back into the unbroken forests 
which hemmed them in to the river's brink. Cass 
proclaimed the need of American enterprise and 
skill. If a few Eastern farmers could display- 
before the astonished eyes of the French Canadian 
their habitual providence and energy, the old 
wooden ploughshare and clumsy hoe might give 
place to more modern implements. With this idea 
in mind, Governor Cass proceeded to make its 
necessity evident by direct statement of his de- 
sires. But the indirect method seemed, on the 
whole, more efficacious. If lands were offered 
freely for sale, and their attractions and value 
demonstrated by successful tillage, Americans from 
the older States might be attracted into the Terri- 
tory. His efforts towards the accomplishment of 
this purpose furnish in detail an interesting study. 
The following outlines are suggestive. 

By an act of Congress, passed at the beginning 
of the war, 2,000,000 acres were to be selected in 
Michigan, to be given as bounty lands to volun- 
teers. Cass desired that these surveys should be 
quickly made in order that at least a few settlers, 
taking advantage of the gift, might make their 
homes in the Territory, and introduce a larger 
American element on which and with which to 
work. But disappointing delays awaited him. 
The surveyors, to whom had been given the task 
of running the proposed meridian line from the 



98 LEWIS CASS 

Au Glaize Kiver due north, beginning their task 
in the early winter, returned to Ohio after a short 
absence with a most lugubrious account of the 
cheerless territory. Cass had been in communica- 
tion with the Indians, and was able to assure the 
surveyors that there was no reason to fear; but 
either hardship and fatigue, or dread of attack, 
had so perverted their judgment of the country 
that they described the interior of Michigan as 
one vast morass, its monotony occasionally broken 
by sandhills without the covering of attractive 
vegetation. The President, assured by the com- 
missioner of the land office that scarcely one acre 
in a thousand was fit for cultivation, advised Con- 
gress, in February, 1816, that the quota of bounty 
lands assigned to Michigan might better be located 
in other parts of the Northwest. 

The people of the Eastern States, receiving this 
official condemnation of the country, believed for 
years that the rich, rolling lands of the southern 
peninsula of Michigan were a barren waste. The 
great American desert has been a very movable 
spot in our geography. Cass was never entirely 
successful in relieving the Territory of the weight 
of this truthless description. For years it lay 
like a millstone on the shoulders of the struggling 
young province. Disappointed and discomfited, 
the governor did not despair. Insisting upon the 
good character of the soil and climate, he finally 
secured, in 1818, the location of a public land 
office ; lands were offered for sale, and the history 



GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 99 

of Michigan, as an American settlement, began. 
Slowly it rose to a position of dignity and power, 
as its resources and beauties were made known. 
Some twenty years later Harriet Martineau, riding 
through the Territory, charmed by the luxuriant 
woods, with their beautiful openings, and the wild 
flowers scattered in profusion by the roadside, ex- 
claimed: "Milton must have traveled in Michio'an 

o 

before he wrote the garden parts of ' Paradise 
Lost.' " 1 The progress of the State was slow, but 
its advance was due to the tireless devotion of its 
second territorial governor. 

The work of Governor Cass in brinffinsf Michi- 
gan out from its Gallic sloth was coupled with the 
task of asserting Northwestern independence and 
our national dignity in opposition to British inter- 
ference. In its more evident form this arrogant 
intermeddling with our concerns ended about two 
years after the war. But the insidious efforts of 
the English authorities to render insecure the 
American occupation of the Northwest continued 
with more or less heartiness through the whole of 
Cass's governorship, and, indeed, can be detected 
until within two or three years of the Ashburton 
treaty of 1842. In case of another war with 
America, the Great Lakes and the States border- 
ing upon them would offer special inducement for 
naval and military movements. An idea of the 
mighty growth of the young republic permeated 
the English mind but slowly. It was only during 
^ Society in America, vol. i. p. 325. 



100 LEWIS CASS 

the Eebellion that a sense of our power was first 
conveyed to the average Englishman by our enor- 
mous armies and our naval enterprises. In conse- 
quence of this long ignorance and contempt, for 
years after the Northwest was a vigorous and well- 
settled region, the English cultivated its scattered 
tribes of Indians with remembrance (indistinct, it 
is to be hoped) of the character of their services 
in the war of 1812. As we can now look back 
on the fruitlessness of such efforts and notice the 
steady advance of the pioneer into the forests and 
over the plains of the West, we can pass the fact 
by with a shrug, half of amusement at the persist- 
ence of our fond mother country, who so long 
yearned for her wayward child. But for at least 
ten years after the treaty of Ghent, these efforts 
were far from amusing, and, while the "era of 
good feeling " was casting its genial warmth upon 
the Eastern partisans, the Northwest was in danger 
of having its progress retarded by hostile Indians, 
whom British presents incited to animosity against 
the Americans and won to loyalty and respect for 
the Union Jack. Had a war with England broken 
out before 1840, in all likelihood a great portion 
of the Indians would have gone where British 
presents and brilliant tinsel called them. These 
dangers Cass fully appreciated ; and the insult to 
American independence and American humanity 
he deejjly resented. So keenly did he feel the 
injustice and perversity of England that he never 
recovered from his suspicions of her. His dislike 



GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 101 

of her aggrandizement was natural, and, under 
the circumstances, justifiable; it colored his whole 
public career. With annoying frequency, through 
the whole of his governorship, arose these evi- 
dences of British influence. Notliing but his own 
good sense, promptness, and bravery, checked the 
insolence of the red man thus encouraged and 
abetted, and rendered the Northwest habitable and 
peaceful. 

It has been suggested by our general historians 
that England entered into the treaty of peace of 
1783 with the hope that our loose-knit confederacy 
would soon burst its bonds and give her a chance 
to absorb the repentant, disconsolate States singly ; 
but our people have perhaps not realized the lon- 
gevity of that hope. A series of incidents, which 
I shall not attempt to give in chronological con- 
nection with the other events of Cass's governor- 
ship, will substantiate the general statements al- 
ready made. 

The bold, ill-concealed interference with our 
affairs and the projecting of British authority into 
our territory are partly attributable to the reck- 
lessness of local authority, partly, it must be 
thought, to that widespread feeling of our helpless- 
ness, which prompted adherence to the search and 
impressment doctrine long after the war of 1812. 
Vessels were stopped and searched on their way 
to Detroit as late as the middle of 1816. Gover- 
nor Cass collected sworn testimony, and transmit- 
ted it to Washington. Expostulating with the 



102 LEWIS CASS 

British authorities, he insisted that the conduct 
of the boarding officers was arrogant and imperi- 
ous, and that such actions were contrary to the 
law of nations and destructive of friendly relations 
between the two governments. His remonstrances 
apparently stopped these open violations of our 
rights upon the Lakes. 

Before this, there were various troubles with 
the soldiers in Canada. A series of letters ^ which 
passed between Governor Cass and Colonel James, 
in command of the forces across the river, discloses 
these difficulties and the unwarranted attitude as- 
sumed by the English. The ill feeling and law- 
lessness of the Indians, some of whom still re- 
mained in Canada and received sustenance from 
the public stores, were continually exhibited in 
petty acts of annoyance and in deeds of violence, 
for which there was no excuse. The agent of our 
government, left temporarily in charge of stores 
at Amherstburg, was insulted and assaulted by 
these lawless braves. There was no strong reason 
for not sending them away and ceasing to recog- 
nize them as allies; but the English authorities, 
in excuse, pleaded the force of compassion and the 
difficulty of controlling them. On the other side, 
it cannot truthfully be asserted that the Americans 
were always courteous and honest. The stragglers 
in a disorganized country, demoralized by war, 
are apt to cause annoyances to a hated enemy so 
temptingly near as were the troops and people in 
c , . 1 In the ArchiTea of the State Department at Lansing. 



GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 103 

Canada. But while the Indians were still kept 
in idleness and mischief by the presents from the 
British, Cass was authorized/ May 25, 1815, not 
to give the Indians presents, inasmuch as the 
reason for doing so had passed away. To our 
former enemies the necessities appeared quite dif- 
ferent. 

In September, 1815, nine months after the close 
of the war, a robbery and desertion from a British 
man-of-war gave an opportunity for an offensive 
violation of our sovereignty. A lieutenant and 
boat's crew, sent out to arrest the culprit, sought 
him on American soil. They prosecuted the search 
arrogantly, entering and examining several houses, 
and evidently conducting themselves in such a 
domineering spirit that the citizens were aroused 
to resistance. One resident of Detroit at the time 
related that the English "placed sentinels on our 
highway, one of which fired at a citizen." ^ The 
deserter for whom they were searching was seized ; 
but meanwhile the behavior of the invading party 
had so exasperated the citizens that they flew to 
arms, and turned the tables upon the intruders by 
arresting the lieutenant and conducting him with 
due pomp to the fort, while the boat's crew hur- 
ried their captive on board their vessel. Colonel 
Miller gave up jurisdiction in the matter to Gov- 
ernor Cass, as the head of the civil authority. 

^ Letter to Cass from War Department, Archives, Lansing. 
* Niles, vol. ix. p. 104. Also ibid. p. 187. Letters in State 
Department, Lansing. 



104 LEWIS CASS 

Commodore Owen demanded the return of the 
lieutenant. Cass answered at some length. With 
only a half -starved Territory at his back he knew 
how to resent contempt and neglect for well-known 
principles of law. 

Lieutenant Vidal was arrested and brought to me for 
apprehending forcibly a person in the Territory and 
conveying him on board a British armed vessel. In so 
doing he has violated the laws of the country, and sub- 
jected himself to the penalty it prescribes for such con- 
duct. Permit me to observe that your demand for Lieu- 
tenant Vidal, vrithout offering to restore the person seized 
and transported by him, was not to have been expected. 
There are no treaty stipulations between the United 
States and Great Britain for the restoration of persons 
deserting from the service of the one and seeking refuge 
in the territory of the other. Such an arrangement was 
proposed by our commissioners, but not acceded to. The 
subject, therefore, rests upon the general principles of 
international law, and I need not remind you, sir, that 
that law gives no right to a British officer to enter the 
territory of the United States and forcibly transport 
thence any person, whatever may be his description or 
of whatever crime he may be accused. . . . But, sir, the 
subject involves considerations of greater interest than 
those personally affecting the offender. An armed force 
in the service of her Britannic majesty has apprehended 
a person within this Territory. ... It becomes, there- 
fore, my duty to request of you his immediate return.^ 

The circumstances under which this intrusion 
had taken place partly extenuated it; but it was 

1 Letters in ArchiTes of State Department of Michigan. 



GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 105 

a transference to land of that abominated claim, 
that deserters from English ships could be seized 
and forced back to their allegiance, a claim which, 
when carried out with exasjierating additions, had 
inflamed our country, and driven us into a war 
for the defense of our self-respect. Cass was 
determined to take a bold stand upon principle. 
Vidal was imprisoned, tried, convicted, and fined. 
An appeal for his release was sent to Washington 
by the English authorities. Our government ex- 
pressly ratified the action of Governor Cass ; but, 
in order to avoid possible complications and ill- 
feeling, advised the return of the money received 
as a fine, if it had not been covered into the trea- 
sury. The advice came too late. The hungry 
coffers of the Territory had quickly absorbed such 
an unexpected addition to their store. -^ 

Another instance, occurring in October, 1815, 
illustrates more clearly the desires and the assump- 
tion of the British. Colonel James, in command 
at Sandwich, wrote to Cass, complaining that an 
Indian had been "murdered under most aggrava- 
ting circumstances, in a canoe close to Grosse Isle, 
by a shot fired from an American boat." "I need 
not point out to you," said the choleric colonel, 
"the line of conduct necessary on this occasion. 
I shall direct an inquest to be held to-morrow 
morning, and I beg leave to remind you that the 
murder has been committed on the body of an 
unoffending Indian, and my pointing out the cus- 

^ Letters in Archives of State Department of I»Iichigan. 



106 LEWIS CASS 

torn of the savages would be unnecessary in the 
present instance." 

The last allusion, a petty threat, awakened the 
ever-watchful dignity of the young governor. He 
informed Colonel James that he would make in- 
quiries. "If a murder has been committed by 
American citizens, and the perpetrators can be 
detected, they will suffer the punishment which 
the laws of civilized nations provide for the of- 
fense. In an application of this kind it was un- 
necessary to allude to the Indian custom of retali- 
ating upon innocent individuals injuries which any 
of their tribe may have received. The laws of 
the country operate with rigid impartiality upon 
all offenders, and confident I am that no dread of 
the consequences wiU ever induce the courts of 
justice to punish the innocent or screen the guilty." ^ 
An examination speedily proved that the Indian 
had been killed not only in self-defense, but on 
American territory. "The event," wrote Cass to 
James, "was connected with the predatory system 
pursued by Indians on the islands at the mouth 
of the river, and which, if not checked, will be 
attended with still more disastrous consequences. 
The Indian was killed within territorial jurisdic- 
tion of the United States, and a British officer 
has, therefore, no right to ask, nor ought an 
American to give an explanation." ^ 

In connection with the same event came a letter 

1 Letters in Archives of State Department of Michigan. 

2 Ibid. 



GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 107 

from James, inclosing one from a British Indian 
agent, which set up claims made by the Indians 
for some horses stolen from them by the Ameri- 
cans. Cass answered in a trenchant letter quietly, 
but sharply, asking that questions which did not 
concern Canadian authority or jurisdiction might 
be left out of consideration by over-zealous offi- 
cials. "We do not acknowledge in principle, nor 
shall we ever admit in practice, the right of any 
foreign authority to interfere in any arrangement 
or discussion between us and the Indians living 
within our territory." That statement was the 
basis for the work of his whole governorship. His 
rights and duties were logically presented, — should 
horses be stolen in Upper Canada and brought 
upon American soil, all reasonable efforts would 
be made to return them. But in this instance 
such was not the case. "In application of these 
principles, I have only to observe that Stony 
Island, wh|ence these horses were stated to have 
been taken, is in this Territory, that the horses 
were not taken from there to Canada, and that 
a British officer has consequently no right to 
make a claim in behalf of the Indians on the sub- 
ject." 1 This application, of no special importance 
in itself, was part of a general programme for 
retaining the affection and dependence of the In- 
dian, for perpetuating his distrust of the Ameri- 
cans, for rendering his presence in the Northwest 
a menace to American settlement, and for giving 
^ Niles's Register, vol. ix. p. 242. 



108 LEWIS CASS 

him an exalted idea of the friendship, dignity, 
and power of the British government. On Octo- 
ber 18 there issued from the magistrate of the 
western district of Canada a circular announcing 
that a Kickapoo Indian had been "willfully mur- 
dered," and offering a reward of five hundred 
dollars for the capture of the perpetrators of the 
deed. This insidious announcement, shrewdly cal- 
culated to attract the Indians and possibly in- 
tended to induce some avaricious Americans to 
transport their fellow -citizens to Canada for pun- 
ishment, was deeply resented by Governor Cass. 
He at once published a stirring counter-proclama- 
tion, stating that the Indian was killed on Ameri- 
can soil, that the affair was entirely without the 
jurisdiction of the officious magistrates, and that 
such pretensions were unfounded and unjustifiable. 
He called upon the citizens of the Territory to 
repel by force any attempt "to apprehend any 
person on the west side of the middle water com- 
munication " between Lakes Huron and Erie. 

A letter to Secretary Monroe from Cass, in ex- 
planation of this affair, charges that such difficul- 
ties were due to the "ungovernable temper of 
James and to designs, which every day more fully 
discloses, of using every incident which occurs as 
a means of acquiring and strengthening their in- 
fluence over the Indians. . . . On the other side 
of the river the design is avowed of serving their 
process upon any part of the river or upon any 
islands of it. The tenor and the object of their 



GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 109 

measures is to teach the Indians to look to them- 
selves for protection. Much sensation is thereby 
excited, and it is surprising with what eager- 
ness they gave credit to the report that the British 
would punish the man who killed their country- 
man."^ 

In this letter he called attention to the fact that 
dollars, the American currency, instead of pounds, 
were offered in the circular as a reward, with the 
intent, evidently, of influencing persons in Ameri- 
can territory. Even more explicitly were the pre- 
tensions of England stated by Colonel James a 
few days after this controversy. He acknowledged 
the receipt of the stolen horses, which had been 
returned through the generous efforts of Cass, 
and added a few telling words. The treaty of 
Ghent, he asserted, amply provided for the Indians 
who had been in alliance with Great Britain; 
all the tribes, even those whose country extended 
as far as the Mississippi and who were included 
in the treaty, looked to the English for a ful- 
fillment of an "agreement which insured to them 
ingress and egress through all parts of America, 
the same as previous to the year 1811." ^ The 
acts of the British Indian agents for many years 
after this speak more loudly than words of a 
design to protect their past allies and to keep 
a guardian hand on all, as far west as the Missis- 
sippi. 

^ Letter in Archives of State Department of Michigan. 
^ Letters in Archives of State Department of Michigan. 



110 LEWIS CASS 

The patriotic zeal of General Cass was applauded 
in the East as his deeds of bold opposition were 
recounted in the papers. But few have gathered 
any idea of the continuance of this trouble, which 
presented itself in its most virulent form in the 
first three years of his administration. A study 
of the Indian treaties which he negotiated shows 
him continually trying to win the affection and 
respect of many who were inclined to believe in 
the power and generosity of the British govern- 
ment. The radius of his influence was constantly 
lengthening, and the fear and respect for the power 
which he represented increased. When he began 
his governorship, he strove to overcome Indian 
antipathy in the very neighborhood of Detroit. 
Twelve years later in northern Wisconsin and 
Minnesota he relieved the Indians from want, and 
with gentle reproof took from the necks of their 
chieftains their British medals, and placed in their 
stead a miniature of their great and mighty "Fa- 
ther at Washington." But in spite of the widen- 
ing circle of successful management, he cannot be 
said to have been entirely relieved of his task until 
he left the Territory. In June, 1819, George 
Boyd, the Indian agent at Mackinaw, wrote to 
Cass: "A large body of Indians took their depar- 
ture hence three days ago for Drummond's Island 
for the purpose of receiving, it is said, large dis- 
bursements of Indian presents at the hand of the 
Duke of Richmond, and perhaps with a view to 
influence their attendance on the treaty about to 



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GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 111 

be held by your excellency the ensuing fall at 
Saginah."! In May, 1822, the same agent wrote 
again on this interesting question : " At all events, 
I trust that the stand now taken by the govern- 
ment . . . will not be lightly abandoned. To 
temporize with them, as regards their intercourse 
with the British posts, will, in the end, prove as 
injurious to them as it will be disgraceful to us, 
and I see no better time to draw the strong line 
between American and British Indians than the 
present. Whenever I shall have met them fuUy 
in council, the result shall be immediately commu- 
nicated to your excellency." ^ Other words in this 
letter suggest the present fear of English influence, 
and the danger that, should another war occur, 
the Indians would be attracted to our open-handed 
enemies. 

One or two other facts will add to the evidence 
of British intrigue and intrusion. December 4, 
1823, nearly ten years after Cass had been ordered 
to cease furnishing presents to the tribes lingering 
around Detroit, we find him writing to Calhoun, 
the secretary of war, in a tone not of the utmost 
confidence, and as if the troubles were well known 
and discouraging, that he will use every effort 
which prudence dictates to prevent the Indians 
from passing through the country to Maiden to 
receive gifts, and that a celebrated half-breed has 
just gone through for the purpose of extending 

^ Boyd Papers, in the Library of Wisconsin Historical Society, 
a Ibid. 



112 LEWIS CASS 

British influence among the Indians.^ In Septem- 
ber, 1829, Niles quoted from the Canadian "Co- 
lonial Advocate" the statement that "about sixty- 
tons of Indian presents are on their way to Am- 
herstburg and Drummond's Island ; they are chiefly 
distributed among British Indians, but great num- 
bers of Indians from the United States territories 
also partake. Fifty or sixty tons more of presents 
are on their way up the Alciope. There is no 
doubt but that they cost the British government 
an immense sum annually." A large body of In- 
dians at that time passed through northern Ohio 
on their way to the field of tinsel and brass. The 
sage Niles remarks mildly that this "policy of the 
British government should be checked by prompt 
measures." One of the scenes familiar to the 
people of Detroit, the remembrance of which has 
not yet passed away, is that of the tippling, ca- 
rousing red men, who, loaded with knickknacks 
and gewgaws in Canada, came across the river, 
and, exchanging what of their treasures they 
might to obtain some beloved firewater, held their 
maudlin encampment on the attractive camping 
ground below the city. 

In the north, near the head of Lake Huron, 
these gifts were made to American Indians as late 
as 1839. Had the Caroline affair brought on 
the war which at one time seemed imminent, the 
tomahawk and scalping-knife might have done 
their execution ; or, had the northeastern boundary 

1 Archives, Governor's Office, Lansing, Michigan. 



GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 113 

trouble been more sanguinary than the "battle of 
the maps," the war-whoop might again have been 
heard through northern Michigan and Wisconsin. 
"Without presuming to cast the horoscope of a hy- 
pothetical past, one may insist that these assertions 
have more than a visionary foundation. Mrs. 
Jameson, in her "Winter Studies and Summer 
Rambles in Canada," has left us a graphic, art- 
less, and interesting jjicture of a great Indian 
council held uijon Great Manitoulin Island, in 
which the policy of the English government is well 
presented. She prefaces her description by a con- 
fession that the assembling of all Indians within 
British territory "who are our allies and receive 
our annual presents seems reasonable and politic." 
By this time it was the policy of Great Britain to 
gather the Indians together from the northern 
part of the United States, to settle them in British 
territory, and bind them to British allegiance by 
annual bestowal of gifts. Can this be charged to 
sheer philanthropy, to a desire to take the poor 
red man from our jurisdiction, and to lay the bur- 
den of his sustenance upon the grumbling taxpayer 
at home, to a willingness to increase the weight 
of the great Indian problem to the British and 
Canadian governments ? 

In the council of 1837, as described by Mrs. 
Jameson, the Indians were informed that their 
"Great Father the King" would continue to give 
presents to the Indians of Canada, but that only 
"for three years, including the present delivery," 



114 LEWIS CASS 

should the tribes within the limits of the United 
States be so treated ; the United States, the agent 
said, justly complained against this policy, which 
gave "arms and ammunition to Indians of the 
United States, who are fighting against the gov- 
ernment under which they live;" the people of 
England grumbled at the great expense. "But, 
children!" he continued, "let it be distinctly un- 
derstood that the British government has not come 
to the determination to cease to give presents to 
the Indians of the United States. On the con- 
trary, the government of your Great Father will 
be most happy to do so, provided they live in the 
British empire; "^ the giving of presents to those 
residing without the jurisdiction of England would 
"bring on war between your Great Father and 
the Long Knives." This needs no interpretation. 
At least as late as the Ashburton treaty England 
had on our northern frontier a body of dependent 
allies, a band of savage mercenaries bought by 
beads and calico, ready at her word to collect in 
war-paint and feathers, and to enter upon the 
dastardly horrors which Michigan had learned to 
fear. It was due to the efforts of Governor Cass 
that many were brought to fear and respect him, 
and that so many were turned from their devotion 
to the implacable mother of our country. 

Observing this work of Governor Cass with the 
Jndians, we find a career of monotonous responsi- 

1 Mrs. Jameson's Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in Can- 
ada, vol. ii. p. 289. 



GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 115 

bility broken at intervals by romantic and pictur- 
esque incidents. Until April, 1816, Michigan in- 
cluded all the land east of a line drawn through 
the middle of Lake Michigan and north of a line 
drawn from the southern end of that lake eastward 
until it intersected Lake Erie. In 181G Indiana 
was admitted to the Union with a slice pared from 
the southwestern portion of Michigan. After 
April, 1818, all land east of the Mississippi and 
north of the northern line of Illinois was under 
the supervision of Governor Cass. For the re- 
maining years of his governorship he had control 
of this vast region. He was ex officio superintend- 
ent of Indian affairs in the territory. He had, 
in addition, for a great portion of the time, charge 
of agencies at Chicago, Fort Wayne, Piqua, and 
other sub-agencies. In the capacity of special 
agent and commissioner he came into contact with 
the Indians of the whole Northwest. He entered 
into a score of treaties of such importance, and 
his personal influence was so great, that there is 
little exaggeration in claiming that the actual pos- 
session of the Northwest was due to his exertions. 
He traveled through the wilderness, enduring hard- 
ship and fatigue, everywhere and always studying 
how he might open up all the vast region for peace- 
ful settlement, how he might win the red man to 
civilization and comfort. He was the first white 
man to ride over the Indian trail which became 
the great highway between Detroit and Chicago. 
The merry voyageurs carried him in their bark 



116 LEWIS CASS 

canoes over the lake and stream until the North- 
west, with its resources and splendid possibilities, 
was familiar to him. For weeks at a time he was 
absent from home on long voyages, accompanied 
by one or two companions of his liking and by 
the hardy boatmen whose steady, swinging stroke 
carried him over the waves of the Great Lakes. 
It is still remembered how the ringing boat-song 
would awaken the little village on his return, as 
the long canoe came flying down the river, and 
the cheery boatmen, bending to their work, lifted 
their voices in measured cadences of weird and 
fascinating music. 

Duncan McArthur was appointed in 1817 to 
cooperate with Cass in obtaining land in northern 
Ohio and Indiana. By a successful treaty this 
commission acquired for settlement a great deal 
of land, and obtained the grant of three sections 
for the "College at Detroit," a gift of value, after- 
ward, for higher education in Michigan. The 
following year Cass met the Indians at St. Mary's, 
in Ohio, and entered into a fruitful negotiation 
for a vast stretch of territory. At Saginaw, in 
1819, a large portion of Michigan was secured, 
and at Chicago, in 1821, he obtained all the south- 
/western part of the State of Michigan, south of 
"^ the Grand River. In the latter part of Novem- 
ber, 1819, he wrote to Secretary Calhoun for au- 
thority to make an extended tour along the south- 
ern shore of Lake Superior, thence to the source 
of the Mississippi, and home by way of Prairie du 



GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 117 

Chien and Green Bay. He desired to investigate 
the Indian tribes, to induce them no longer to go 
to Canada for presents, to obtain plots of ground 
at Sault de St. Marie and other places, and to 
investigate the mineral resources of the country, 
with special reference to copper, which was re- 
ported to exist in abimdance. "All that will be 
required," he said, "is an ordinary birch bark 
canoe, and permission to employ a competent 
number of Canadian boatmen." He suggested, 
in addition, an "officer of engineers to make a 
correct chart," and "some person acquainted with 
zoology, botany, and mineralogy." The plan was 
received favorably at Washington. A topographi- 
cal engineer was attached to the expedition. Mr. 
Henry R. Schoolcraft was selected to conduct the 
scientific researches, and has left an account of 
the incidents and discoveries of the journey in his 
book entitled "Discovery of the Sources of the 
Mississippi Eiver." 

The voyagers, in three birch canoes, left De- 
troit, May 24, amid the shouts and acclamations 
of the people, who were deeply interested in the 
efforts of Governor Cass. Schoolcraft gives a 
vivid description of the strange scene. The In- 
dians, who had been secured as the hunters of 
the expedition, were in one canoe, vainly striving 
to pass by the hardy Canadians, who, in their 
turn, starting their familiar boat-song, began their 
steady strokes, and soon gave evidence of their 
fij-mer muscle and more enduring nerve. The large 



118 LEWIS CASS 

orchards and windmills, and the quaint houses 
lining the river for miles, added a foreign flavor. 
Skirting the storm -battered shores and long-wind- 
ing beaches of Lake Huron, the expedition, after a 
journey of more than three himdred miles, came 
to Mackinaw on June 6. A few days later they 
reached the Sault de St. Marie, where it was 
Cass's intent to obtain possession of a piece of 
ground formerly conveyed to the French, our right 
to which the Indians had acknowledged in various 
treaties. 

The braves, evidently restless and out of humor, 
assembled to meet the Americans. Arrayed in 
their best attire, and many of them adorned with 
British medals, they seated themselves with even 
more than their wonted solemnity and dignity, 
and prepared to hear what Governor Cass desired. 
At first pretending not to know of any French 
grants, they finally intimated that our government 
might be permitted to occupy the place if we did 
not use it as a military station. The governor, 
perceiving that their independence and boldness 
verged on impudence and menace, answered deci- 
sively that as surely as the "rising sun would set, 
so surely would there be an American garrison 
sent to that point, whether they received the grant 
or not." The excitement which had been ready 
to break forth now displayed itself. The chiefs 
disputed among themselves, some evidently coun- 
seling moderation, others favoring hostilities. A 
tall and stately -looking chieftain, dressed in a 



GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 119 

British uniform with epaulets, lost patience with 
moderation and delay. Striking his spear into 
the ground, he drew it forth again, and, kicking 
away the presents that lay scattered about, strode 
in high dudgeon out of the assembly. 

The Indian camp was on a small hill a few 
hundred yards from that of the Americans. The 
dissatisfied chiefs went directly to their lodges, 
and in a moment a British flag was flying in the 
very faces of the little company of white men. 
The soldiers were at once ordered under arms. 
Every one expected an immediate attack, for the 
Indians, greatly outnumbering the Americans, had 
not disguised their insolence and contempt. In 
an instant Governor Cass took his resolution. 
Rejecting the offers of those who volunteered to 
accompany him, with no weapon in his hands and 
only his interpreter beside him, he walked straight 
to the middle of the Indian camp, tore down the 
British flag, and trampled it under his feet.^ 
Then addressing the astonished and even panic- 
stricken braves, he warned them that two flags of 
different nations could not fly over the same terri- 
tory, and should they raise any but the American 
flag, the United States would put its strong foot 
upon them and crush them. He then turned upon 
his heel and walked back to his own tent, carrying 
the British ensign with him. An hour of indeci- 
sion among the Indians ensued. Their camp was 
quickly cleared of women and children, an indica- 
^ Trowbridge's account, Wisconsin Historical Collection, 



120 LEWIS CASS 

tion that a battle was in immediate prospect. The 
Americans, looking to their guns, listened for the 
war-whoop and awaited attack. But the intre- 
pidity of Governor Cass had struck the Indians 
with amazement. It showed a rare knowledge of 
Indian character, of which his own companions 
had not dreamed.^ Subdued by the boldness and 
decision of this action, the hostile chiefs forgot 
their swaggering confidence, and in a few hours 
signed the treaty which had been offered them. 
The friends of Governor Cass who witnessed the 
scene never wearied of describing it and of com- 
menting on his bravery. One whose knowledge 
of Indian character was almost equal to that of 
the governor was wont to remark that for fair, 
frank courage in the face of danger this action 
surpassed all others he had ever known. ^ The 
habitual courage and dignity of Governor Cass, 
coupled with honesty and mercy, won from the 
Indians a respect and even love for their "Great 
Father at Detroit," and gradually forced westward 
and northward allegiance to Britain and undue 
respect for her power. 

From the Sault de St. Marie the party skirted 
the southern shores of Lake Superior to its western 
end. By way of the Fond du Lac or St. Louis 
Eiver, and by means of various portages, they 
reached the Mississippi, and proceeded up it a 

^ Schoolcraft's Summary Narrative, etc., p. 80. 
^ Mr. C. C. Trowbridge, compamon and secretary of the gov- 
ernor. 



GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 121 

distance estimated at three hundred and fifty miles 
to what was known as Red Cedar Lake, but which 
Schoolcraft on his map and in his report named 
Cass Lake, in token of the "energy and enlight- 
ened zeal of the gentleman who led the expedi- 
tion." Had it not been for the low state of the 
water, General Cass woidd in all probability have 
discovered the true source of the Mississippi as 
early as 1820. From this point the company pad- 
dled between the beautiful banks of the mighty 
river to Prairie du Chien, and thence made their 
way across Wisconsin to Green Bay. Here Gen- 
eral Cass caused a series of investigations to be 
conducted for the purpose of discovering the truth 
or falsity of the theory that there were tides in 
the Great Lakes as in the ocean. Experiments 
seemed to prove complete irregularity in the rise 
and fall of the water-fluctuations, which were in 
all probability due to the wind and the currents 
of the lakes. In later years Cass made more 
extended tests, and published the results of his 
studies. At Green Bay the company divided, one 
part going north, the other, including the gover- 
nor, to Chicago, whence he proceeded overland to 
Detroit by the old Indian trail. The expedition 
had been a most successful and profitable one. 
Mr. Schoolcraft, in his report to the secretary of 
war, affirmed that the mineral resources of the 
country were great, and called special attention 
to the indications of wonderful copper and iron 
deposits. The Indians were visited, and given 



122 LEWIS CASS 

an object lesson in the daring and resolution of 
the Americans. The topography of the country, 
described with some detail, furnished basis for 
further explorations and induced greater immigra- 
tions. 

During these years the internal political affairs 
of the Territory were not neglected by Governor 
Cass. When he came into office, the first system 
of government established under the Ordinance of 
1787 was in vogue. The governor and judges 
were omnipotent, save as they were restrained by 
the general terms of their fundamental charter. 
The citizens had taken no interest in the manage- 
ment of the Territory. The hahitant could not 
conceive of the necessity or the pleasure of inter- 
ference with the divine right of government. But 
their new governor intended that democratic prin- 
ciples should hold sway as widely as possible under 
his guidance. The people were tempted into self- 
government. The laws were codified and pub- 
lished, and, so arranged, have since been known 
as the "Cass Code." Counties were laid out as 
rapidly as convenience directed. As the Ameri- 
cans came into the Territory in greater numbers, 
the governor allowed the settlers of each locality 
to suggest names of persons to be appointed to 
local offices, and thus practically deprived himself 
of a prerogative which he might have used for his 
own ends. He adhered with tenacity to the doc- 
trine that the people should have a direct voice in 
appointments and in other political affairs in the 



GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 123 

Territory. In the spring of 1818, the people were 
invited to decide by a general vote whether or not 
to proceed to the semi-representative government 
permitted by the Ordinance. But the lethargic 
French and others, who appreciated the good they 
had, voted against change. For five years the 
governor and judges retained their autocratic posi- 
tion, at the end of which time the second form 
was established; a council of nine came into exist- 
ence, the members of which were selected by the 
President and confirmed by the Senate from eigh- 
teen names presented as the choice of the people. 
In 1819 the right to elect a delegate to Congress 
was granted. In 1825 thirteen councilmen were 
allowed, and in 1827 the people chose the whole 
number. The judicial system was gradually elabo- 
rated to meet the growing needs of the Territory. 

The industrial condition of the Territory rapidly 
improved after 1818. Cass, appreciating the needs 
of the people, urged upon Congress the building 
of a road around the end of Lake Erie, as a high- 
way for commerce and an actual necessity for 
military movements in case of war. National aid 
was secured. A portion of the small resources 
of the Territory was appropriated for making a 
suitable wagon road to Chicago. The stagnant 
province, even before 1820, took new life, showing 
by the census a marked increase in population. 
Before 1830 the barren waste, Michigan, was act- 
ually exporting flour to the East, and there was 
an air of comfort on her borders and an appear- 



124 LEWIS CASS 

ance of thrift along her inland roads, which spoke 
of the success of Governor Cass's efforts to attract 
eastern knowledge and energy. By the third census 
of the century Michigan was shown to have over 
30,000 people, and to have just claims for speedy 
admittance as a State. The little frontier settle- 
ments which Governor Cass was summoned to de- 
fend in 1813 "had extended and spread to the 
dimensions of a commonwealth under his judicious 
and statesmanlike care and nurture."^ The set- 
tlers in Michigan were from New York and Mas- 
sachusetts. Many of those from the former State 
had previously lived in New England. In conse- 
quence, the political spirit which was being breathed 
into the nostrils of Michigan was the spirit of local 
self-government in church and state, and in many 
crises of our history she has given evidence of her 
parentage. Cass encouraged in every way the 
growth of political feeling among the people. He 
was a "democrat by conviction, and not merely in 
a party sense." ^ "In proportion as all govern- 
ments recede from the people, they become liable 
to abuse. Whatever authority can be conveniently 
exercised in primary assemblies may be deposited 
there with safety." ^ This was his published creed. 
Intellectually and socially the Territory made 
advances. Governor Cass extended his democracy 
from politics to learning. Appreciating that reli- 

^ Michigan, by Thomas Mclntyre Cooley, p. 203. 

2 Ibid., p. 205. 

^ Journal of the Legislative Council of Michigan, 1826. 



GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 126 

glon, morality, and knowledge were "necessary to 
good government and the happiness of mankind," 
he assisted the church and gave his public encour- 
agement to the school. The percentage of illiter- 
acy in Michigan was very large in its early years 
as an American province ; but in accordance with 
the comprehensive suggestion of Governor Cass, 
a broad and generous basis for public education 
was established, on which has been reared a school 
system which has become the model for the newer 
States of the West, and stands to-day as the most 
perfect embodiment of popular American educa- 
tion in our country. The foundation for this 
structure bears marks of the broad sympathetic 
democracy of General Cass. He was a Jefferson- 
ian in all that related to education, and used his 
influence for popularizing the school-book and the 
ballot. 

"Of all purposes," he declared, "to which a 
revenue derived from the people can be applied 
under a government emanating from the people, 
there is none more interesting in itself, nor more 
important in its effects, than the maintenance of 
a public and general course of moral and mental 
discipline. . . . Many republics have preceded us 
in the progress of human society; but they have 
disappeared, leaving behind them little besides 
the history of their follies and dissensions to serve 
as a warning to their successors in the career of 
self-government. Unless the foundation of such 
governments is laid in the virtue and intelligence 



126 LEWIS CASS 

of the community, they must be swept away by 
the first commotion to which political circumstances 
may give birth. Whenever education is diffused 
among the people generally, they will appreciate 
the value of free institutions; and as they have 
the power, so must they have the will to maintain 
them. It appears to me that a plan may be de- 
vised which will not press too heavily upon the 
means of the country, and which will insure a 
competent portion of education to all youth in the 
Territory." ^ Such views as these were in advance 
of the thinking of the time. Platitudes upon en- 
lightenment and liberty grew in plenty; but these 
practical propositions of Governor Cass mark an 
era in the history of Michigan and of popular 
education in the United States. 

In Indian affairs Cass was not idle in the decade 
between 1820 and 1830. The treaty of Chicago 
has already been mentioned and its importance 
suggested. Other negotiations were soon under- 
taken. For a long time the constant warfare be- 
tween the Sacs, Foxes, Sioux, and other tribes in 
the West, had given vexation to the general gov- 
ernment and endangered the peace of the frontier. 
In company with Governor Clark of Missouri, 
Cass met the Indians at Prairie du Chien in 
August, 1825, and secured a treaty determining 
boundaries and promising peace. The following 
year, accompanied by Colonel Thomas L. Mc- 

^ Journal of Legislative Council of the Territory of Michigan, 
1826. 



GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 127 

Kenney, he journeyed to Fond du Lac, and en- 
tered there into negotiations with the Chippewas 
for peace with the other tribes. The Indians were 
encouraged by direct aid to lead civilized lives, 
money was promised them for a school, and the 
United States was granted permission to search 
for minerals throughout the North. Colonel Mc- 
Kenney's "Tour to the Lakes''^ contains the inci- 
dents of the journey, related in the charming, ro- 
mantic, personal style of fifty years ago. Other 
treaties were obtained this year by the governor 
in the more southern portion of the Northwest. 

It was necessary to make still further arrange- 
ments for determining definite boundaries between 
the tribes in the West. In the summer of 1827 
General Cass was absent from Detroit for two 
months, engaged in one of the most important 
and perilous of his undertakings. Proceeding to 
Green Bay, with Colonel McKenney as associate 
commissioner, he found that the Winnebagoes, 
whom he had expected to meet with the other 
tribes, were not there. Rumors that they had 
put on the war paint were in the air, and Cass de- 
termined as usual upon crushing out hostilities by 
prompt and decisive action. He neither delayed 
nor sent a messenger. He manned his canoe, 
and made his way up the Fox and down the 
Wisconsin rivers, for the purpose of discovering 
the actual condition of things and of communica- 
ting with the forces at St. Louis by the quickest 

1 Baltimore, 1827. 



128 LEWIS CASS 

possible method. On his way down the Wiscon- 
sin he landed boldly at a Winnebago village. 
There were indications of hostile movements. He 
remonstrated with the chiefs and warned them of 
the results of war. As he turned to leave, a 
young brave aimed his gun at him and pulled the 
trigger. The gun missed fire, however, and his 
life was saved. The older chiefs, realizing what 
the death of Governor Cass would involve, seized 
the offender and soundly upbraided him; but 
smouldering discontent was evident. The canoe 
hurried on its journey to the south and west. 
Evidences of war became more clear. The citizens 
of Prairie du Chien, in momentary dread of at- 
tack, had crowded together and hastily thrown up 
some rude defenses. Alarm, consternation, and 
confusion appeared throughout the mining district 
of northern Illinois; the roads were lined with the 
frantic and fleeing people who had dared to enter 
the wilderness in the delirium of the lead fever of 
1826-27. The little village of Galena was filled 
with the settlers of the outlying districts, and 
overwhelmed by disorder and panic. Governor 
Cass quickly organized the people for defense at 
Prairie du Chien; brought confidence to Galena 
by his energy and decision; collected volunteers 
at the latter place, and sent troops immediately 
up the river where there was more actual danger. 
He then hastened on to St. Louis to confer with 
General Atkinson, who at once moved northward 
with a force sufficient to overawe the Indians, 



GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 129 

who, finding themselves overtaken in their designs, 
abandoned their hostile purposes with ill-concealed 
chagrin. The promptness of the governor's action 
prevented a devastating war over the whole north- 
western frontier. He returned to Green Bay, by 
way of Chicago, and completed the negotiations 
he had intended to conduct. The incidents of his 
flying trip to St. Louis, the light canoe flitting 
through the dark night down the Mississippi, the 
silence, the wildness of the scenery, the intense ex- 
citement and anxiety lest his efforts should be too 
late, made the deepest impression upon his own 
imagination and memory. Years after, in the 
palace of St. Cloud, the scene came back to him 
with all its vividness, and he compared the timid 
Seine with the mighty Mississippi and the even 
more mighty Missouri, remembering how he was 
whirled along through the night on a race for 
peace and the lives of his people.^ 

During these latter years he had opportunity 
for literary work and for a more general interest 
in politics. He was summoned to cooperate with 
Governor Clark in outlining for the government a 
plan for the treatment of the Indians and for the 
rearrangement of the concerns of the Indian depart- 
ment. The Territory, now independent and eager 
for advancement, appreciated his work and honored 
him. In 1831 he was called to leave his tasks in 
the Northwest and to take his part in the broader 
fields of national politics and administration. 

1 Three Hours at St. Cloud, by an American (L. Cass). 



130 LEWIS CASS 

The great factor in his successful administration 
was honesty. That there was scrupulous honesty 
in the business of the Territory needs no proof. 
But fair, honorable dealing with the Indians was 
a rarer virtue, and in this he never faltered. He 
was wont to say in after years that he never broke 
his word to an Indian and never expected to find 
that the red man had broken his. Every exertion 
was made to have the funds and the allowances 
ready on the day upon which they had been pro- 
mised. Promptness and boldness in action, a firm 
self-reliance, a presumption that the power of the 
United States was mighty and would be obeyed, 
appealed to the Indian sense of awe and reverence. 
Treaties were negotiated with fairness, and he 
warned the general government that if benignant 
peace was to smile upon the Northwest, the letter 
of the agreement must be fulfilled. He did not 
seek to secure the greatest possible advantage in 
the present without looking to the future or with- 
out considering the equities of the case. He in- 
formed the department at Washington that neither 
justice nor the policy of far-seeing wisdom would 
prompt him or them to take advantage of tempo- 
rary wants and sufferings. He not only strove to 
carry out every promise or understanding with an 
Indian in the most liberal fashion, but he included 
in his treaties plans for the betterment of the race 
and for attracting them to peace and civilization. 
Their beloved fire-water was the Indians' curse. 
He took every available opportunity to induce 



GOVERNOR OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY 131 

them to give up its use. At Prairie du Chien he 
addressed the assembled braves on the sin and 
folly of drunkenness, and to point his moral by 
showing that stinginess was not actuating him, 
he broke in the heads of several casks and allowed 
the liquor to rush out upon the ground amid the 
despairing cries of the thirsty warriors. His keen 
eye was ever on the watch for those who were 
seeking to violate the law, cheat the childish red 
man, and give him the cursed drink. 

The respect and even affection which the In- 
dians had for their "Great Father at Detroit" was 
often manifested, and once felt was not forgotten. 
Twenty-five years after his governorship was ended, 
he came unexpectedly into a meeting of Indian 
chiefs in Detroit; in a moment, forgetting the 
object of their conference and losing their stoical 
dignity, they crowded around him to grasp the 
hand from which they had received so many fa- 
vors.^ For he had always stood ready to help 
them and to treat them with kindness. During 
many years after the war, when they had once 
been brought into subjection, they were continu- 
ally in Detroit, often with frank curiosity or open 
friendship making their way unannounced into 
his house, and expecting to be met with courtesy. 
They made large and unexpected demands upon 
a generous hospitality; for the British across the 
river would often welcome the chiefs to their tables, 
and it would not do for the governor, who appreci- 

1 Smith, Life and Times of Lewis Cass, p. 115. 



132 LEWIS CASS 

ated their sensitive natures, to rebuff them openly. 
His tact, careful study of Indian nature, his punc- 
tilious respect for his word, his dignity, his kind- 
ness, all display themselves in brilliant contrast 
with many of the brutal dishonesties which have 
given "Ramona" and such sentimentality more 
than a fanciful foundation. 



CHAPTER V 

SECRETARY OF WAR 

The dissolution of President Jackson's first cabi- 
net occasioned great excitement throughout the 
country. It was considered high-handed and au- 
tocratic. Former presidents had retained their 
cabinet officers, except when necessity dictated a 
change, and only in the case of the elder Adams 
had there been anything like a sudden reorganiza- 
tion after the administration had fairly begun. 
This reconstruction, however, was arranged with 
some skill, with something of the deftness that 
might be expected where the shrewd Van Buren 
was concerned — so deftly, indeed, that it was not 
at first evident why the resignations were given 
or what was the animus of the whole affair. In 
fact, two causes cooperated. The President dis- 
covered, by a disclosure from the piqued Craw- 
ford, that Calhoun, to whose interests part of the 
cabinet was devoted, had some twelve years before 
been in favor of punishing him for his conduct in 
the Seminole difficulty, and for his unwarranted 
proceedings in Florida. Jackson never forgave. 
From this time forth Calhoun was his enemy. 
The general's mind was so constituted that no one 



134 LEWIS CASS 

could occupy middle ground ; whoever was not for 
him was against him. Those in the cabinet who 
could consider with any degree of complacency the 
probable succession of the Carolinian to the presi- 
dency were, in his view, unfit to be his advisers, 
and absolutely incapable of fair and honorable 
service. The warrior President was in a contin- 
ual contest with persons. Persons' principles, 
not principles per se, always filled the lens of his 
vision. The cabinet ministers devoted to Calhoun 
were therefore regarded by Jackson not only as 
personal enemies, but as hostile to his administra- 
tion. 

But, possibly, a much more trivial and absurd 
reason had even greater influence in bringing 
about the transformation. The President, with 
all the energy of an old Indian fighter, espoused 
the cause of Mrs. Eaton, the wife of his secretary 
of war, and insisted that she should be received 
within the charmed circle of Washington society. 
The victor of New Orleans discovered, however, 
that mere forcible denunciation would not pene- 
trate into the holy precincts or break down the 
strong barriers of social prejudice. Mrs. Cal- 
houn, with quiet determination, refused to meet 
Mrs. Eaton or to recognize her as an equal, and 
declined to be commanded in her social intercourse 
by mandates from the White House. The wives 
of several members of the cabinet as quietly and 
firmly upheld their independence, while Van Buren, 
the courtly widower, ingratiated himself with the 



SECRETARY OF WAR 135 

President by bestowing on the social outcast his 
sweetest smiles and studied attentions. It is a 
curious commentary on the dignity of free govern- 
ment that, by careful politeness to a woman, to 
whose skirts still clung the dust of an ambiguous 
past, the secretary of state was enabled to become 
the recognized heir-apparent of a great popular 
hero, who, as the "tribune" of the common peo- 
ple, had begun a "reign" of arrogance and anger. 
Jackson was incapable of discerning the relative 
importance of things. He lived on a dead level 
of intensity; every matter which enlisted his sym- 
pathies or aroused his attention was of tragic im- 
port. He fought "Peggy" Eaton's battles with 
the same burning vigor he had used against the 
British at New Orleans or the Spaniards and In- 
dians of Florida. He threatened to send home 
the minister from Holland "and his wife," because 
the Dutch dame had treated his secretary's wife 
with scant courtesy, by refusing to sit by her at 
the ball given by the Russian minister. He swore 
that justice must be done, acted the "roaring 
lion," and intimated, through the medium of Colo- 
nel Johnson, that at least when large parties were 
given, Mrs. Eaton must be invited, if the cabinet 
was to retain its present composition; he would 
"be cut into inch pieces on the rack" before he 
woula allow either Major Eaton or his wife to be 
injured by vile calumnies; for the woman was 
pure and innocent as a babe, and he would show 



136 LEWIS CASS 

foreign ministers and cabinet officers that persecu- 
tion and conspiracy would not be tolerated. ^ 

Early in 1831 a reorganization of the cabinet was 
determined upon ; for the Eaton difficulty was much 
too stimulating to the presidential temper, and 
Calhoun's hopes of the succession must be crushed 
by depriving of public office and influence those 
who might favor him. As early as 1829 the canny 
ones among the politicians had begun intrigues 
in favor of the secretary of state, and he himself 
had by this time taken Jackson's heart by storm. 
His assiduous attentions to Mrs. Eaton, his defer- 
ence and continual kindness were of much more 
value than even his considerable ability in states- 
manship. His coolness and calmness, his quiet 
and affable manners, the unruffled composure with 
which he smiled at the important trivialities which 
vexed the irritable general, endeared him to the 
old warrior, whose nerves were quieted by the 
secretary's soothing presence. It was impossible 
to rave and pace the floor and invoke anything 
"eternal" or transient while this placid gentleman 
was sitting by in serene silence. Eaton resigned 
April 7, 1831. Van Buren followed on April 11, 
with a letter admirably adapted to conceal the 
real reason for his withdrawal, while it set forth 
modestly the fact of his own future candidacy for 
the presidency, which "disturbing topic" he had 
in vain attempted to "discountenance."^ Barry, 

1 Niles's Register, vol. xl. p. 377 ff. 

2 Ibid., vol. xl. p. 43. 



SECRETARY OF WAR 137 

the postmaster-general, was asked to remain. The 
other three, who were known as "Calhoun men," 
were not in the best of humor, and did not appre- 
ciate Van Buren's suggestion that the cabinet 
should be a unit. Ingham, the secretary of the 
treasury, and Branch, the secretary of the navy, 
tendered their resignations on the 19th, but they 
made at the same time the distinct statement that 
they understood at last that their presence in the 
cabinet was no longer desired. Berrien retired 
from the office of attorney-general on June 15 
with a similar announcement. The newspapers 
of the day teemed with abuse and recrimination. 
Ingham asserted that Eaton had formed a conspi- 
racy to murder him. Eaton accused Ingham of 
wanton insult, and finally demanded "satisfac- 
tion." The affairs of the Eaton family were pre- 
sented for general inspection, and a most savory 
ragbag of old scandal was opened for the gratifica- 
tion of a keen -scented public. 

The new cabinet was a very able one. It coidd 
be counted on as opposed to Calhoun and devoted 
to Jackson and his heir-apparent. Undoubtedly 
the President profited by the change. Edward 
Livingston of Louisiana became secretary of state ; 
Louis McLane of Delaware, secretary of the trea- 
sury; Levi Woodbury of New Hampshire, secre- 
tary of the navy ; Roger B. Taney of Maryland, 
attorney-general. Barry retained his position as 
postmaster-general until 1835, when he became 
minister to Spain, and was succeeded by Amos 



138 LEWIS CASS 

Kendall, who, holding the position of fourth audi- 
tor, had been an adviser in the "kitchen cabinet" 
from the beginning of the administi'ation. It was 
intended that Judge White, senator from Tennes- 
see, should become secretary of war, and give 
Eaton a chance to fill the vacancy in the Senate. 
But TVhite refused, and Cass was offered the port- 
folio. Rumor assigned the ex-secretary to Michi- 
gan to take Cass's phice, but he was finally ap- 
pointed governor of Florida, and went to seek 
consolation for abuse and insult in the eversrlades 
of that wild Territory. In August, 1831, there- 
fore, Cass assumed the duties of secretary of war. 
National politics were in a peculiar condition. 
Though he had lost no opportunity to keep him- 
self informed of what was going on in the higher 
governmental circles, he could not have anticipated 
the conditions which he discovered. TTe are but 
just coming to an appreciation of what this period 
signifies in our development as a constitutional 
state. It meant that national politics and methods 
were mob politics and methods. The trickster 
politicians who had been turning thumb-screws 
and pulling wires for thirty years in the States 
now transferred their machinery to a broader field. 
Jackson was not a demagogue. He sincerely be- 
lieved in the doctrines he preached and in the 
sentiments which he put into practice. But he 
was the conduit pipe through which flowed into 
the field of national administration the tide of 
political proscription, intrigue, and legerdemain 



SECRETARY OF WAR 139 

which had been long triumphantly deluging the 
States. Van Buren has been charged with intro- 
ducing the "spoils system " from New York, where 
from the beginning of the century removal from 
office followed change in party control, as night 
follows day. But the fact is that the virus was 
well on its festering way in the national system 
before Van Buren's responsibility began. Al- 
though the "Little Magician" must have aided 
by his counsel and given the benefit of his expe- 
rience, no one man can be charged with the estab- 
lishment of the practice of spoils distribution. It 
came by natural evolution. The scrambling, punch- 
drinking mob which invaded Washington at Jack- 
son's inauguration, besieging his hotel, crowding 
and pushing their way into the White House, tip- 
ping over tubs of punch and buckets of ices, stand- 
ing with muddy hob-nailed shoes on the damask 
furniture, thrusting themselves into the nooks and 
corners of the executive mansion with the air of 
copartners, who had at last an opportunity to take 
account of the assets of the firm, — these were the 
people who demanded that aristocratic incumbents 
be deprived of their offices by him who was elected 
as the representative of "the people," the soldier, 
the rough and ready statesman who despised the 
borrowed conventionalities of so-called good so- 
ciety. Such was the inauguration of the spoils 
system. The offices of trust were handed over to 
the men who brought the greatest pressure to 
bear, and could make plain their political influ- 



140 LEWIS CASS 

ence to the scullions of the "kitchen cabinet." If 
the student of American politics is to understand 
the place which the spoils system holds he must 
see that its introduction was a natural phase in 
our national development, not a mere incident 
without antecedent causes rooted in the past. It 
was when Jackson was installed that "the people" 
first realized their power and demanded that the 
divinity of vox populi be recognized. There was 
great talk about "the people" in those canting 
years, as if our social or political system gave 
place for classes or privilege. On that notable 
fourth of March the crowds invaded Washington 
to shout for a new-found liberty; a Bastille of 
respectability had fallen, and the guillotine soon 
lopped off the heads of the office-holding nobility, 
who had too long lived in aristocratic ease above 
"the people." 

The new cabinet had a dignity of its own. 
Now that the line of succession was determined 
upon and the wires laid for eight years to come, 
there was not so much room for the back-stairs 
influence. In all the more important matters of 
state, the real cabinet worked its will and had its 
proper influence. Only where cunning manipula- 
tion was necessary for political prosperity did the 
spirits of the "kitchen cabinet" introduce their 
sinister methods. Jackson himself was the presid- 
ing genius of his own administration and its mas- 
tering spirit. He came to his conclusions swiftly 
and by instinct, and although they were often 



SECRETARY OF WAR 141 

tenable only by the help of the blindest obstinacy, 
his obstinacy was always as blind as the occasion 
required. But a word of flattery or the right 
insinuation at the nick of time would start the 
wheels of his prejudice in the direction desired 
by a cunning politician. Thus he was often influ- 
enced and guided by men of less real ability and 
strength of character than his own. 

The only Indian war in the Northwest after 1815 
occurred almost immediately after Cass accepted 
the war portfolio. Black Hawk, a Sac chief, re- 
fused to remain in the reservation beyond the 
Mississippi. Early in the spring of 1832 he en- 
tered Wisconsin and Illinois, and spread alarm 
and consternation through the West. United 
States troops were hurried to the spot. Volun- 
teers were called from Michigan and Illinois, and 
a border war was soon devastating the country. 
The War Department seems to have been man- 
aged with alertness. Cass had been too long ac- 
quainted with Indian characteristics not to realize 
the importance of rapidity and the prompt exhibi- 
tion of authority. But the terrible ravages of the 
cholera were added to the horrors of war. The 
troops died in such numbers that panic and disease 
seemed likely to do much greater damage than 
any human enemy. The dreadful summer of 1832 
was long remembered by the citizens of the North- 
west. A portion of its perils was over when the 
Indians were nearly annihilated in a battle on 
August 2. Black Hawk escaped death, but was 



142 LEWIS CASS 

imprisoned, and the next year was shown around 
the country as a triumphal captive. The success- 
ful administration of Indian affairs during Cass's 
governorship, and the peace which prevailed dur- 
ing that time, lead one to believe that had he still 
been governor and superintendent he would have 
quieted the Indians without aU the fuss and flour- 
ish of war. 

The actual conduct of the affairs of the War 
Department involved, of course, in the main a 
great deal of routine work. But the details of 
that work scarcely need to be given here. In the 
great questions of Jackson's administration Cass 
was more than an interested spectator. His posi- 
tion brought him into active cooperation with the 
President, whose influence had a great effect on 
his later political life. 

An affair more important to the country than 
an Indian war occupied the attention of his depart- 
ment in the autumn of 1832. Calhoun's damp- 
ened ambitions sought encouraging warmth from 
the fires of state jealousies. The reorganization 
of the cabinet in opposition to him, the known 
hostility of the President, the evident drift of 
political favor in the direction of Jackson and his 
cajolers, quenched his burning hope, and left him 
but the ashes of disappointment. His native State 
was uneasy under a tariff which seemed to be all 
for the manufacturers of New England, and his 
zeal for national glory gave place to sectional jeal- 
ousy, which now blazed brightly forth. His whole 



SECRETARY OF WAR 143 

life henceforth was given to the support of what 
he thought were the interests of his State. His 
elaborate arguments, woven with greatest care, 
furnished a protecting garment for slavery. His 
keen eyes were always endeavoring to pierce the 
veil of the future, and he endeavored to show in 
prophetic vision before his countrymen the weal 
and woe which he fancied that he himself dis- 
cerned. Although he seemed to see farther than 
his contemjjoraries, the truths of the future were 
perverted by his diseased imagination into false- 
hood, and though he was a seer he did not become 
a soothsayer. When slave labor comes into com- 
petition with free labor, it shows an economical 
and therefore an incurable weakness. It is inter- 
esting to notice that the first practical application 
of the doctrine of nullification, the sister of seces- 
sion, came as the result of industrial differences 
between the North and the South. The most ear- 
nest advocates of nullification tilted at the tariff 
windmill as the cause of their woes, and would 
not confess, or did not see, the deadening influ- 
ence of slavery. The tariff of 1828 was so absurd 
in its provisions that it fairly won the epithet 
"abominable," but this act did not drive the South 
to extreme measures. It was left for the more 
moderate and sensible measure of 1832, which 
decreased the revenue by several millions, to in- 
duce South Carolina to bluster forth in nullifica- 
tion. Calhoun had already begun to print his 
finely wrought treatises. McDuffie, on the floor 



144 LEWIS CASS 

of the House, gave utterance to the opinion of his 
State, when he proclaimed that, if she failed in 
the struggle she was waging, the brief days of 
American liberty would be numbered. 

South Carolina was frantic because her threats 
were simply neglected, and during the summer 
and autumn of 1832 meetings were held, fiercely 
denouncing protection to Yankee industries, and 
proclaiming that for the cause of liberty and honor 
a stand must be made against the tyranny of trad- 
ing New England. The legislature, which was 
summoned in October, issued a call for a state 
convention, and on November 19 the delegates 
met at Columbia. The practical workings of the 
nullification theory were now to be exhibited. 
Calhoun saw more clearly than Jefferson had seen 
the logical relationship between the federal govern- 
ment and the States of our Union, if it was the 
result of a compact between sovereignties. He 
saw that in the State, and not the legislature of 
the State, must reside this extraordinary power 
of nullification and resistance. Jefferson, in the 
angry haste of politics, propounded a haK-formed 
illogical doctrine, based on falsehood and carried 
to an absurd conclusion. Calhoun selected his 
course to suit the prejudices of "King Cotton," 
but when once he had turned the historical com- 
pass to a false pole he followed its direction with 
patient regard for the stern laws of logic. Nulli- 
fication, as it showed itself in South Carolina, was 
a legitimate expression of state- sovereignty, and 



SECRETARY OF WAR 145 

the method of its actual application was an illumi- 
nating lesson to those who had not followed argu- 
ment or appreciated the ends of theory, 

A committee of twenty-one, appointed by Gov- 
ernor Hamilton, who was president of the popular 
convention, drew up an "Ordinance," "To pro- 
vide for arresting the operation of certain acts of 
the Congress of the United States, purporting to 
be laws laying duties and imposts on the importa- 
tion of foreign commodities." The obnoxious laws 
were declared null and void, and the legislature 
was authorized to adopt such measures as might 
be necessary to give full effect to the views of the 
convention. All appeals to the Supreme Court 
of the United States were forbidden, and all offi- 
cers and jurors were to be bound by oath to ob- 
serve the ordinance and the laws of the legislature 
passed in pursuance of it. If there was an at- 
tempt on the part of the central government to 
enforce the tariff laws, the people of the State, it 
was announced, would consider themselves absolved 
from all further political obligation as a member 
of the confederacy, and would prepare to do all 
the acts of a sovereign and independent commu- 
nity. An address to the people of the United 
States abounded in mathematical and rhetorical 
figures, whose- services were invoked to prove the 
injustice of the tariff and to portray the position 
of the State. "We would infinitely prefer," pro- 
claimed these inconsistent slave barons, forming 
a political and social oligarchy, "that the territory 



146 LEWIS CASS 

of the State should be the cemetery of freemen 
than the habitation of slaves." ^ Not till February 
1, however, was there to be a resistance to the 
laws of the United States. 

It was boldly done. But "Old Hickory" at 
Washington was prompt and energetic. In the 
heat of the presidential campaign, when the people 
were shouting themselves hoarse for their hero, 
and raising tall hickory poles as party emblems, 
the old general had turned uneasily toward South 
Carolina, and listened for premonitory rumblings 
of the earthquake. He did not waste his energy 
in wringing his hands, as did Buchanan in another 
fateful crisis in our history. On October 6 the 
collector of customs was given explicit directions 
what to do in case there was any attempt to avoid 
payment of duties. As early as October 29 Major- 
General Macomb sent word to Major Heileman, 
commanding the troops of the United States in 
Charleston, that information received by the ex- 
ecutive suggested the possibility of an attempt to 
seize the forts, and the commander was warned 
to be on his guard. ^ Additional troops were sent to 
Fort Moultrie, November 7, and on the 18th Cass 
wrote to General Scott, directing him to proceed 
at once to Charleston for the purpose of examin- 
ing the defenses, and to hold himself in readiness 
to assist the civil officers of the United States, if 

1 Full proceedings of convention, Niles, vol. xliii. pp. 219, 230, 
etc. 

2 ATnerican State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. v. p. 158. 



SECRETARY OF WAR 147 

occasion should make it necessary and the Presi- 
dent should so direct. A fortnight later a confi- 
dential letter from the War Department compli- 
mented General Scott on the discretion and good 
judgment he had manifested. The following sen- 
tences from Cass's letter very succinctly state the 
attitude of the general government toward the 
whole conspiracy: "I cannot but hope that the 
good sense and patriotism of the citizens of South 
Carolina will still prevent the occurrence of those 
consequences which must result from the attempt 
to enforce the ordinance recently passed by the 
convention of that State. In any event, the Presi- 
dent will perform his duty, and only his duty, 
under the Constitution of the United States." ^ 
Eeinforcements were sent to Charleston on the 
4th. 

Congress assembled on December 3, and read 
a very quiet and restrained message from the 
President, in which there was no blare from the 
trumpet of war. Yet Jackson was excited enough. 
If his annual message was calm, the storm was to 
follow. His practical sense pierced the bubble 
arguments of the uullifiers, and in homely phrase 
he summed up the dire results of state sovereignty. 
"If this thing goes on," he said to his friend Dale, 
"our country wiU be like a bag of meal with both 
ends open. Pick it up in the middle or endwise, 
and it will run out. I must tie the bag and save 
the country." When South Carolina adopted the 

^ American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. v, p. 159. 



148 LEWIS CASS 

ordinance, and nullification was fairly in view, he 
was prepared to strike. It was generally believed 
that he had made up his mind to seize Calhoun on 
the charge of treason, the instant force was used 
against the officers of the United States, and many 
believed that the fear of such consequences influ- 
enced the final settlement of the controversy. On 
December 11 appeared his celebrated proclama- 
tion, full of earnest, pathetic pleading, strong 
assertion, and profound argument. Verbally it 
belongs to Livingston, but it is filled with the 
spirit of Jackson. On that hang his claims to 
grateful remembrance. That he was instrumental 
in infecting the body politic with the loathsome 
disease of spoils distribution, that his blundering 
financial management hastened and aggravated a 
disastrous panic, that under the fostering wings 
of his administration a whole brood of evil politi- 
cal fledglings matured, — all these faults will be 
forgotten by the people who remember that the 
hero of New Orleans bruised with his heel the 
hissing head of nullification. 

Vessels were sent to Charleston by the Navy 
Department in December, and as February 1 ap- 
proached every precaution was taken by the War 
Department to prepare for forcible resistance. 
Cass wrote to General Scott, ordering him again 
to Charleston (January 26) to repel with force any 
attempt to seize the forts, but throughout all to 
use the utmost discretion and self-restraint. This 
letter, in some unknown way, reached the public 



SECRETARY OF WAR 149 

press, and the contents of the last clause, which 
suggested that two places be examined as possible 
strategic points for the federal army, caused con- 
siderable excitement in the angered State. Gen- 
eral Scott assures us, in his eulogistic autobiogra- 
phy, that if a spade had been put into the ground 
at this time for a new work beyond Sullivan's 
Island, civil war would have been inaugurated on 
the spot. The popular imagination pictures Jack- 
son raving for war and aching to crush Calhoun 
and his fellow plotters. There is no doubt that 
he occasionally gave way to wrath, and expressed 
his opinion with more vehemence than grace; it is 
perfectly clear that he made every preparation 
against forcible resistance to federal authority; 
but it is just as clear that he was anxious to avoid 
a conflict if possible. The letters of Cass at this 
period show very distinctly the extreme solicitude 
which tempered the stern decision of the adminis- 
tration. There is good reason to believe that a 
letter, purporting to come "from one of the ablest 
men in the country," which appeared in the "Rich- 
mond Enquirer " under date of December 13, 1832, 
was written by Cass himself at the request of the 
President. Artfully suggesting the importance of 
Virginia, this letter proposes that the Old Domin- 
ion, "in one of those forcible appeals she so well 
knows how to make," should urge upon Congress 
a great reduction of the tariff, and "plead as a 
suffering sister with wayward South Carolina."^ 
1 Smith's Life and Times of Lewis Cass, p. 274. 



150 LEWIS CASS 

The suggestion was followed. Virginia, whether 
influenced by this appeal "from one of the ablest 
men," or not, prepared to play the role of umpire, 
sending B. W. Leigh as envoy to Charleston. He 
was there received with honor, and though his 
pleadings probably had little direct influence, Vir- 
ginia's intercession gave another excuse for back- 
ing down from the high ground of the ordinance. 
Such was unquestionably Jackson's attitude. 
While presenting a bold front and making every 
preparation to defend federal property and execute 
federal law, while angry with all the heat of his 
choleric nature at the nullifying conspirators, 
while every warlike impulse was opposed to capit- 
idation with a State in arms, he nevertheless had 
a fervent love for the Union, of which even his 
own unreasoning wrath could not deprive him. 

The end of the controversy can be stated in a 
word. Pending conciliatory measures on the part 
of the general government, the time for putting 
the nullifying laws into practical operation was 
postponed. The President, in a message issued 
January 16, asked Congress to make certain regu- 
lations with regard to the customs districts, and 
to authorize the use of the military force for the 
purpose of protecting and assisting the civil offi- 
cers in the discharge of their duties. A bill drafted 
to meet these suggestions was introduced into 
Congress. Perfectly right on every constitutional 
and political ground, such a proposition was re- 
ceived with some dismay by conservative lovers 



SECRETARY OF WAR 161 

of peace, and the bill as drafted soon labored un- 
der unpopular epithets, and was commonly known 
as the "force biU " or "bloody bill." Verplanck, 
a representative from New York, had already in- 
troduced into the House a measure for the reduc- 
tion of the tariff. This was so sweeping in its 
provisions that it meant practically an abandon- 
ment of the protective policy and a complete sur- 
render to South Carolina. Clay, the great com- 
promiser, now came forward, February 12, with 
a plan for a gradual reduction of the revenue. 
Great was the consternation at the North when 
the father of the "American system" was beheld 
preparing to murder his own child by slow poison. 
Manufacturers hastened to Washington to prevent 
such action; but some saw their danger, and re- 
mained to advocate the passage of the measure. 
It was passed side by side with the "force bill." 
Both were signed by the President on March 2, 
and thus with mingled threats and coaxings the 
petulant State was won back to obedience. On 
the whole, it was a shameful victory for state 
impudence. Although the "force biD " was passed, 
and Jackson upheld the national dignity, nullifica- 
tion accomplished its purpose, — the reduction of 
the tariff. The objectionable ordinance was re- 
pealed by South Carolina, but at the same time 
she proclaimed the "force bill" null and void 
within her limits. 

This was an instructive period in the life of 
Cass. He completed his fiftieth year in the midst 



152 LEWIS CASS 

of the controversy, and as yet he had seen very 
little of national politics. The long years of his 
governorship had been spent in active manage- 
ment of local concerns, or in long journeys through 
the wilderness. His constant reading had made 
him more familiar with questions of national poli- 
tics than most men would have been had they 
spent a score of years in a frontier settlement, 
where for a considerable period even newspapers, 
with their stale news, came late and irregularly 
through the mails. His first practical training in 
national politics he received in the stern Jack- 
sonian school, a school whose cardinal regulations 
possessed a mischievous inconsistency. Love for 
the Union, hatred of foreign aggression, champion- 
ship of popular rights, spoils distribution, machine 
politics, were badly mingled; strict construction 
of the Constitution struggled in equal conflict with 
a reckless abuse of power; and high-handed inter- 
ference was supported by appeals to the "people," 
who are unknown in our political system except 
as they express their will by constitutional and 
prescribed methods. Cass did not forget the stand 
taken against nullification. From this time he 
was a radical Jacksonian Democrat. The success 
of the administration in its foreign relations also 
met with his approbation, and increased the feel- 
ing which he already had, that our country should 
present a bold front to other nations. Jackson 
won his deepest admiration, and inspired him with 
the love which the peremptory old general seemed 



SECRETARY OF WAR 153 

often to force upon those about him by his inde- 
finable grace, and by an unexpected and curiously 
vigorous sweetness in-the-rough. 

In 1833 Jackson went North on a tour for re- 
creation and applause. Cass accompanied him. 
Crowds cheered the tough old general who had 
just put down nullification. Cities tendered him 
their freedom and the mob went wild. The aris- 
tocrats averted their faces, but the popular enthu- 
siasm was xmdoubted. Harvard, to the disgust 
of the learned, dubbed his illiterate excellency 
Doctor of Laws. From these scenes of merry- 
making and exultation, and before the exhausting 
itinerary was finished, the President hurried home, 
on the plea of illness, to strike another blow at 
the Bank of the United States. It is possible 
that he was moved by proper motives. But sheer 
malice against Nicholas Biddle and his moneyed 
monster was probably the chief cause. With a 
reckless indifference to the effect on the business 
of the country, an indifference which arose from 
a complete ignorance of the laws of finance and 
the sensitive nature of capital, he dashed into a 
contest with the national bank as if he were hunt- 
ing Indians in the swamps of Florida. By law, 
the public funds were to be deposited in the bank, 
subject to removal by the secretary of the treasury, 
who was to give his reasons to Congress in case 
of removal. Jackson determined upon a removal 
of the deposits and a distribution of the money 
among the various state banks. He had difficulty 



154 LEWIS CASS 

in getting his cabinet to agree to this. Duane, 
the secretary of the treasury, was determined to 
stand on what he considered his prerogative, and 
refused to remove the deposits at the President's 
request. He was dismissed, and Taney was trans- 
ferred to the Treasury, ready to do Jackson's bid- 
ding and elaborately to defend his action. Mc- 
Lane, who in the early part of the year had been 
transferred from the Treasury Department to that 
of State, and had all along been averse to a re- 
moval of the deposits, was still strongly opposed 
to the measure. He wished to resign, but was 
dissuaded. On September 23 Cass made an ap- 
pointment with Lewis to discuss the matter. Lewis 
was the head of the "kitchen cabinet," the fami- 
liar of Jackson. "He commenced the conversa- 
tion," ^ wrote Lewis, "by remarking that his ob- 
ject in desiring to see me before I left was to 
inform me that he had determined to resign his 
seat in the cabinet, and wished to converse with 
me upon the subject before he handed his letter 
of resignation to the President. He said he dif- 
fered with the President with regard to the mea- 
sures which were about to be adojsted for the 
removal of the public deposits from the United 
States Bank, and as his remaining in the cabinet 
might embarrass his operations, he owed it, he 
thought, both to himself and the President, to 
withdraw." Lewis urged him to acquaint Jackson 
with his intention before he actually resigned, and 

^ Parton's Jackson, vol. iii. p. 501. 



i>-.. SECRETARY OF WAR 155 

tbe result of the interview between the secretary 
and his chief was that Cass was asked to remain, 
with the understanding that the responsibility for 
the act should rest, not with the cabinet, but with 
the President alone. In a later cabinet meeting, 
when asked his opinion of the measure, Cass sim- 
ply and frankly said: "You know, sir, I have 
always thought that the matter rests entirely with 
the secretary of the treasury." 

The political affiliations of the new West during 
these years are evident. Michigan was a Territory 
struggling vehemently until 1837 for admission. 
Her last successful efforts were stimulated, per- 
haps, by a hope that if she was admitted to the 
Union a small rill from the plethoric national trea- 
sury would trickle into her ready coffers. Party 
organization on national lines was hardly known 
as yet. On all great questions the people natu- 
rally belonged with their brethren of New York 
and New England; but of course there was great 
admiration among the poor settlers for the "man 
of the people," and Michigan may be counted in 
the line of Democratic States until the slavery 
question offered a great moral issue. There were 
occasional backslidings from the true Democratic 
faith. The hard times which followed the finan- 
cial disasters of 1837 turned people against "the 
Little Magician," whose magic wand had lost its 
cunning. The people of Michigan shouted them- 
selves hoarse for Harrison and "hard cider" in 
1840, and the State was carried by the Whigs by 



156 LEWIS CASS 

some 2000 as against a majority of 3000 for Van 
Buren in 1836, when the vote of the quasi State 
was only about one fourth of what it was four 
years later. But it will be noticed that in 1840 
Harrison was the popular hero, the stalwart "Old 
Tip; " "Matty" Van Buren was the aristocrat of 
the White House, who was rolling in wealth and 
supping from golden spoons, while the people who 
had elected him were starving. The students of 
our politics have not fully confessed the efficiency 
of poverty as a political motor. Our practical 
politicians in these latter days have carefully conned 
the lessons of the past, and cover up most dexter- 
ously any advantage their candidate may have by 
reason of superior education or the ability inher- 
ited from good ancestry. 

In the other States of the Northwest somewhat 
similar courses can be traced, varied by the pecul- 
iarities of their settlement. Ohio, with her strong 
Eastern flavor, inclined with some constancy to 
whiggery. Of the Northwestern States, Illinois 
alone in 1840 clung by a small majority to the 
failing cause of Jacksonism, and cast its electoral 
votes for Van Buren. But that State had all along 
been peculiarly Democratic. It had a large South- 
ern element. Many of the poor whites pushed 
their way north over the prairies of Illinois. From 
1826 every general election resulted in favor of 
Jackson and his party until the old general went 
into restless retirement at the Hermitage. Doubt- 
less the persistency of Illinois in her political 



SECRETARY OF WAR 157 

course can be attributed largely to this strong 
Southern element. But it would be anticipating 
later political divisions to attribute such Demo- 
cratic affiliation entirely to the Southern settlers. 
Jacksonian Democracy was the political faith of 
the masses, of those most easily influenced by 
the tricks of the politician and the wire-puller. 
"The people" were Democrats, from whatever 
part of the country they came. Cook County, 
which was settled by Yankees, pushing and vigor- 
ous men, did not fall behind the settlers of south- 
ern Illinois in zeal for Democracy. This county 
was Democratic even in 1844, casting 2027 votes 
for Polk and only 1117 for Clay. Democracy 
was firmly planted and unbending. Party lines 
at first were not closely drawn, but there was no 
hope for the man who was opposed to the "man 
of the people." The campaigns were conducted 
in that new Western country in a manner which 
leads us to look with more equanimity upon the 
vices of modern politics. The saloons in the 
county seats were chartered by the candidates for 
popular favors ; whiskey in vast quantities heigh- 
tened the fervor of the people, whose voice was 
to be the voice of God. Governor Ford, who was 
an interested spectator on these occasions, tells us 
of a minister of the gospel whose "morality was 
not of the pinched kind which prevented him from 
using all the common arts of a candidate for office." 
He went forth to election with a Bible in one 
pocket and a bottle of whiskey in the other, pre- 



168 LEWIS CASS 

pared to make himseK agreeable to all. So fully 
had the people adopted the creed of "Old Hick- 
ory " that we are told that Democrats were divided 
in that pork-packing State into "whole hog" Jack- 
son men and nominal Jackson men.^ The people 
had come into the West in order to better their 
condition, and politics were considered by many 
a legitimate road to bodily comfort. Few seemed 
to realize that they were laying the foundations of 
a great commonwealth ; but the race of politicians 
developed, as in the East. The politician "for 
revenue only " practiced his clever tactics, and 
early in the history of these frontier States wires 
were laid as skilKuUy as in the more populous 
States of the coast. The people, on the whole, 
took far more interest in politics than in political 
principles. 

The Western States developed rapidly during 
these years. The craze for internal improvement 
left some good behind, and the wild speculation in 
land drew immigrants into the country by thou- 
sands. Steamers on the lakes were crowded with 
families on their way to Michigan and the West. 
Ninety steamers arrived at Detroit in May, 1836, 
crowded with new settlers and with those who 
were anxious to speculate in the Western lands. 
Land sales were enormous. The roads in the in- 
terior of Michigan were thronged with wagons. 
The immigrants of this period were, as before, 
principally from New York and New England. 

1 Ford's History of Illinois, p. 105. 



SECRETAKY OF WAR 189 

Others, from Ireland and Germany, however, began 
about 1832 to find their way in small nmnbers into 
the West. 

One other matter of importance remains to be 
discussed in this period of Cass's life. The re- 
moval of the Florida Indians to reservations west 
of the Mississippi was carefully considered by 
Cass as soon as he became secretary. He had 
long contemplated the desirability of such a plan. 
No one better understood the condition of the red 
man in the Northwest, or more keenly appreciated 
the difficulties of the Indian problem. His work 
in Michigan amply proves his fairness and hon- 
esty, his humanity and sympathy. In 1830 he 
wrote for the "North American Review " a long 
article on the subject of removal. It is candid 
in its tone and exhaustive in treatment, pointing 
out the woeful condition of the Indians in their 
present situation, picturing their degradation as 
victims to the vices of Christian civilization. He 
contended that they must be removed, and that 
speedily, if a remnant was to be saved. He 
showed no sympathy for the maudlin sentimental- 
ity which would weep over the sorrows of the noble 
warrior and suggest no remedy for evident evils. 

Later animosity has declared that the whole 
plan of removing the southern Indians was one 
of the Satanic wiles of the slaveholder. But it 
will not do to antedate political motive. The 
planters did wish to get possession of the land 
held by the Creeks and Seminoles, and the planter 



160 LEWIS CASS 

was a slaveholder. But there is no need of attri- 
buting the desire to the political greed of the slavo- 
cracy. This error is more plainly illustrated by 
an earlier instance. Calhoun's plan, when secre- 
tary of war under Monroe, to remove the Indians 
of New York into the western part of Michigan 
Territory, now Wisconsin, has been seriously re- 
ferred, not to a desire to release New York, but 
to a wish to burden the free Northwest and retard 
its development. It is true that the contradictory 
interests of North and South came out pretty 
clearly in the Missouri compromise discussion; 
but it is anticipating later politics and entirely 
misconstruing the growth of Calhoun as a states- 
man and a slavocrat to think that he or any one 
foresaw in 1820 the whole drift of Southern efforts 
to obtain room for slavery extension. It is just 
as much the part of folly to announce that Cass 
was a "doughface " in 1831, pandering to Southern 
prejudices and bending a pliable conscience, as it 
is to state that his good sense in 1820 concerning 
the removal of the New York Indians was due to 
a desire to circumvent a plan of a plotting slave- 
holder. He was a "Western man, not a Southerner, 
and his action was a Western action, based on West- 
em appreciation of the Indian character and of the 
relation of the tribes to the general government. 

The idea of removing the Indians was, as Ben- 
ton says, as old as Jefferson. It had been dis- 
cussed at various times. Monroe, in his annual 
message in 1824, set forth the desirability of trans- 



SECRETARY OF WAR 161 

porting them into the West. Cass elaborated a 
plan in his first report in 1831. He believed that 
the Indians would be better off i£ freed from the 
influence of the whites. He feared the practical 
application of the doctrine announced by the Su- 
preme Court, that a tribe within the limits of the 
State was exempt from state control ; he realized 
that the executive and the court were at variance 
on the subject, and that a uniform basis of man- 
agement ought to be determined upon if possible. 
It is apparent that he sided with the President in 
maintaining the authority of the executive as a 
"coordinate branch of the government," and per- 
haps thought that, as far as it affected a present 
practical question, Jackson was right in his famous 
opposition to the judiciary: "John Marshall has 
given his judgment, let him enforce it if he can." 
Indeed, Cass the next year, March, 1832, seems 
to have printed an exhaustive argument in the 
"Globe," attempting to prove that the Supreme 
Court was wrong and Jackson was right in the 
Cherokee matter. "When a solemn and final de- 
cision was pronounced, and Georgia refused to 
obey the decree of the court, no reproof for her 
refractory spirit was heard; on the contrary, a 
learned review of the decision came out, attributed 
to executive countenance and favor." ^ When one 
of the cabinet spent his time in writing a long 
refutation of a judicial decision of the Supreme 
Court, affairs of state were assuredly in a badly 

1 From a speech by Mr. Miller, in Senate, 1833. 



162 LEWIS CASS 

mixed condition. But the Jacksonian party was 
a creature more curious than any curiosity of 
mythology; although its body and legs were popu- 
lar sovereignty and mob democracy, the head and 
arms were monarchical arrogance and the invinci- 
ble obstinacy of self-reliance. 

We need not go into the woeful scenes which 
resulted from the effort to remove the Creeks and 
Seminoles. As in other difficulties of this kind, 
the wrong was not all on one side. Sentimental 
ignorance alone represents the cruel Oceola as a 
noble brave, fighting with generous patriotism for 
the lands of his family and the graves of his sires. 
On the other hand, no one can look upon this 
scene from the history of a slave-owning country 
without feelings of shame and indignation. Be- 
fore there was any excuse for war, the slave deal- 
ers were too anxious to get control of the negroes 
of the Seminoles. Actual hostilities were begun 
by a wanton outrage; the wife of Oceola was 
seized as the daughter of a slave, and was carried 
away into slavery. Oceola's vengeance was felt, 
and he was captured by treachery. One who re- 
spects his country shrinks from poking into the 
slime of the disgraceful contest, where our govern- 
ment became a trafficker in human flesh, and used 
its power in behalf of the lowest passions of man. 
Had it not been for the shameful greed of the 
slave dealer, who longed to get possession of the 
negroes who were either held in slavery by the 
Seminoles or lived with them on terms of equality. 



SECRETARY OF WAR 163 

the course of the war would have been different 
and the contest more honorable. But these human 
vampires respected no treaties and regarded no 
rights. In the end, the war was not successful. 
After the expenditure of not less than -130,000,000 
and the loss of many lives, after eight years of 
slave chasing and Indian hunting in the miasmic 
swamps and everglades, under the torrid sun of 
Florida, the government was obliged to take the 
advice which Cass had given when war had fairly 
begun — obtain peace by giving Florida to the 
possession of armed settlers.^ 

Many charges and recriminations were the fruits 
of this shameful affair. Scott was charged with 
inefficiency. Cass was accused of negligence. 
Abuse was heaped on all interested. Jackson, as 
usual, lost himself in a paroxysm of rage because 
all went not well. "Let the damned scoundrels 
defend their country," he exclaimed; "he could 
take fifty women, and whip every Indian that 
ever crossed the Suwanee."^ A fair examination 
absolves the secretary of war from the charge of 
carelessness or neglect. He apparently acted on 
the knowledge sent him, and supplied the generals 
at the front with all the troops they asked for or 
suggested the need of. The truth is, that it was 
no easy task to drive a handful of determined men 
from retreats which were almost inaccessible, and 
the deeds of the army, as such, were by no means 

1 Schouler's History of the United States, vol. iv. p. 319. 

2 NUes, vol. lii. p. 98. 



164 LEWIS CASS 

without honor. But Cass cannot be relieved of 
the charge that negro slavery did not appeal to 
him in its awfulness, and that he could see no 
harm in returning the fugitive slaves to bondage. 
Who in those days did see the institution in its 
proper light ? The war was nearly finished before 
even Giddings of Ohio branded it as a slave chase 
and pointed the finger of shame. This war, in- 
deed, marks the lowest depth to which Northern 
apathy sank. After 1841, not a step could be 
taken by the government that suspicious abolition- 
ists did not peer about for a possible proslavery 
motive. 

The War Department, at the period of which 
we are speaking, had charge of many matters 
which are now cared for by the Department of 
the Interior. The details of the office demanded 
constant attention, and it is apparent from the 
long reports which General Cass made that he 
studied with care all portions of his duties. He 
entered into an elaborate discussion of the neces- 
sity for coast defenses. Arguing that a navy was 
the best fortification, he advised the building of 
a navy which would be at least nearly adequate 
for purposes of defense. He examined with care 
the condition of the army, and it may be said, to 
his honor, that he advocated that the practice of 
giving whiskey rations to the soldiers should be 
stopped. 

Until Cass took the war portfolio, his life had 
been spent in active employment. During his 



SECRETARY OF WAR 165 

governorship he had passed months at a time trav- 
eling over the Western coimtry, and now incessant 
sedentary labor and constant attention to the de- 
tails of his office were impairing his health, and it 
soon became evident that he must have change 
and diversion. The President therefore offered 
to appoint him minister to France, and Cass ac- 
cepted the offer, with the understanding that he 
should be allowed to leave Paris on a tour for 
recreation and pleasure. James Buchanan has 
left us the improbable story that Cass was trans- 
ported because Jackson desired to get rid of him 
and to employ some one possessed of more alert- 
ness and business ability. According to this ac- 
count, the President used the following language : 
"I can no longer consent to do the duties both of 
the President and secretary of war. General Cass 
will decide nothing for himself, but comes to me 
constantly with great bundles of papers, to decide 
questions for him which he ought to decide him- 
seK."i The light of events to be recorded here- 
after will properly illumine this statement made 
by Buchanan, whose indecision and vacillation can- 
not be reasoned out of the memory of the American 
people. Every circumstance refutes it. Jackson 
admired Cass; Cass loved Jackson. The visitor 
at the Hermitage in later years saw in the hall 
the bust of the Northwestern statesman. Their 
whole intercourse is the best proof of mutual con- 
sideration and respect. That a man who had 

1 Curtis' Life of Buchanan, vol. ii. p. 399. 



166 LEWIS CASS 

continuously acted with promptitude and boldness 
from the battle at the River Canard until he be- 
came secretary of war should suddenly become 
timid and hesitating is beyond belief. Twice dur- 
ing Jackson's administration Cass offered to re- 
sign, and twice was persuaded to keep his office. 
At the end Jackson accepted the resignation with 
reluctance. After the return of Cass from France, 
the venerable ex-President, praising him for his 
services abroad, referred to their pleasant official 
relations and to the efficiency with which the af- 
fairs of the War Department had been conducted.^ 
If the secretary had been grossly incapable, Jack- 
son would not have waited until the closing months 
of his administration before he put the department 
into more competent hands. In June, 1836, the 
appointment as minister to Paris was sent in to 
the Senate, and immediately received the unani- 
mous consent of that body — no slight compliment, 
if we consider the height of political animosity in 
those bitter days. 

^ Private Papers of Lewis Cass. 



CHAPTER VI 

MINISTER TO FRANCE 

The diplomatic relations between France and 
the United States were not altogether harmonious 
between 1833 and the date of the appointment of 
Cass. A successful treaty, negotiated in 1831, 
had won from France a promise to pay for the 
Napoleonic spoliations of American commerce. 
The United States had long awaited the time 
when their rights in this matter would be fairly 
considered, until patience, long continued, was in 
danger of being construed as timidity. Under 
Jackson's sway, however, a new system was 
adopted ; when our dignified demands for the ful- 
fillment of the treaty of 1831 were disregarded, 
and the Chamber of Deputies refused to pass the 
appropriation bill, the President stormed in the 
White House, and the shrill voice of John Quincy 
Adams was heard in Congress calling upon the 
people to resent a wanton insult and prepare the 
country for war. In January, 1835, the French 
minister at Washington was recalled, and in 
April Livingston left Paris. But judicious and 
expressive threats had the proper effect. The 
money was paid. Louis Philippe sat on a totter- 



168 LEWIS CASS 

ing throne, and he knew that a war with America 
would deprive him of popular support. He had, 
moreover, a real affection for the republic, and an 
admiration for the vigorous old warrior of the 
White House, who so fully represented self-confi- 
dent democracy. The "bourgeois king" had vis- 
ited America in Ijis earlier days, and had become 
personally acquainted with men and manners. A 
tour through the backwoods of Pennsylvania and 
Ohio brought to him a knowledge of the rough- 
ness, heartiness, and good fellowship of the demo- 
cratic West, and he retained a kingly sympathy 
and a generous enthusiasm for whole-souled West- 
ern uncouthness and the virile Americanism which 
Jackson personified. 

Cass continued to perform the duties of secre- 
tary of war through the summer of 1836, and in 
October sailed for England, there to remain until 
assured that an American minister would be re- 
ceived in France. After a brief delay on this 
account, he repaired to Paris and entered upon 
his duties. The ordinary affairs of the legation 
occupied his attention for some time. Business 
had accumulated during the suspension of diplo- 
matic relations, and it now demanded immediate 
settlement. But a minister's chief function in 
peaceful times is to be the representative of his 
country at court, and to care for the social as well 
as the more material interests of itinerant fellow- 
countrymen. Even in those days this was no 
slight task. Sometimes in a single evening he 



MINISTER TO FRANCE 169 

presented as many as fifty of his countrymen to 
the "citizen king." American visitors in Paris 
at this time spoke of the respectful attention they 
received from the legation. The plain, straight- 
forward diplomat from the wilds of the Northwest, 
whose victories in the crooked and narrow art had 
hitherto been won over the red savage of the West- 
ern woods, quickly assumed a prominent and in- 
fluential position at the gay capital. It looked as 
if the days when Franklin received the admiration 
of the gaudy court, or when Gouverneur Morris 
practiced his charms, had returned. The minister 
became the personal friend of the king, and was 
treated as an intimate. 

Actual business of the embassy was not so con- 
fining that no opportunity was left for other pur- 
suits. The peculiarities of European life and pol- 
itics possessed a unique interest for one whose 
general reading had never been supplemented by 
travel or a wide experience. Nothing seemed to 
escape him. His pen was at work a good portion 
of the time, making his impressions permanent. 
The ineffectual uneasiness of the French people 
as he now saw them, and the misunderstandings 
between governors and governed, were unceasingly 
curious to one who had never known classes, and 
whose whole political theory and practice had been 
based on the principle of equality and the rights 
of self-government. In a real scientific spirit he 
traveled through France, noticing the condition of 
the people and learning continual lessons. He 



170 LEWIS CASS 

visited England, but a nearer acquaintance did 
not deprive him of that deep-rooted suspicion and 
distrust which are so evident in all his public 
career. He saw Victoria crowned as queen. But 
all the splendor of court seemed only to harden 
and sharpen his democratic loyalty. He carried 
his criticism of English aristocratic life to an 
absurd extent. He belonged to the school of 
triumphant democracy. The crass ignorance of 
the English concerning American life, and the 
unfriendly criticism of their captious travelers, 
filled him with an indignation which now is quite 
amusing. 

In accordance with the understanding at the 
time of his appointment, he left his post at Paris 
for his vacation. In May, 1837, he set sail with 
his family from Marseilles on board the old fri- 
gate. The Constitution, commanded by Commo- 
dore Elliot. A description of his itinerary would 
now be uninteresting, but to him the journey gave 
the greatest pleasure. Naturally of a philosophic 
and scholarly turn, he experienced the delight 
of the philosopher and scholar in visiting places 
of historical and archaeological interest. On the 
other hand, his strong practical sense and his 
sympathy for humanity prevented him from losing 
himself in the admiration of past glories, when 
political wrongs and social evils and stagnation 
everywhere met his eyes. He admired the beau- 
ties of Italy and Greece, but they taught him a 
lesson for America. Everything possessed for 



MINISTER TO FRANCE 171 

him a present and a human interest : no palace or 
hovel or beautiful landscape won his attention 
because of mere picturesqueness, or lost for him 
its peculiar place in the life and history of man. 
Greece and Italy furnished him an opportunity 
for studying the real humanities, — not their dead 
languages, but the places these nations had act- 
ually held and were holding in the great drama of 
the world's history, whose denouement he believed 
would be the complete freedom, the ideal liberty. 
He saw in the Parthenon more than a relic and 
a ruin; he mused over Salamis and Marathon 
without shadowy romanticism, for he saw before 
him spots where the destiny of Europe was de- 
cided. Delphi itself appealed to no shallow im- 
agination, but awakened thoughts of the eternal 
power of God, and the shifting, transient nature 
of the works of man. " Parnassus indeed is there, 
with the clouds resting on its snowy summit, and 
the blue waves of the GuK of Corinth rolling at 
its feet, in a stream as bright and clear as when 
its waters purified the persons of the ministers and 
votaries of the temple, but could not cleanse their 
hearts from a debasing superstition. But these 
are the works of God which mock the pride of 
man and bid defiance to his power, witnesses of 
change themselves unchangeable." 

By special permission from the Sultan the Amer- 
ican frigate sailed to Constantinople and on into 
the Black Sea. The travelers stood in the shadow 
of St. Sophia; and here again the teachings of 



172 LEWIS CASS 

sacred and profane history were emphasized and 
illustrated. A sail through the -^gean recalled 
the beauties and the grandeur of the "inland seas," 
and there came vividly to the mind of Cass another 
scene, when through the islands at the north of 
Michigan wound a fleet of three hundred Indian 
canoes. There is something pathetic in the way 
in which, amid scenes of unbroken interest or 
magnificence, his mind continually reverted to the 
rough picturesqueness and daring life of the fron- 
tier. The ^gean suggested similarities, the pal- 
ace at St. Cloud contrasts. At the age of fifty- 
five he was becoming acquainted with a broader 
world; with a wider retrospect he was preparing 
for twenty years of political conflict. Egypt and 
Palestine were included in the journey, and the 
Pyramids and the Jordan encouraged more mono- 
logue ; which, it must be confessed, partook some- 
what extravagantly of the stilted grandiloquence 
common to the rhetoric of fifty years ago. A 
visit to the islands of Candia and Cyprus called 
out two interesting articles, which were sent to 
the "Southern Literary Messenger," published at 
Richmond. These are full of historic information 
and of practical philosophy, for after all Cass was 
a scholar to the end rather than a political trick- 
ster, and nothing shows his scholarly inclinations 
more than the trip to the old East. 

In November, 1837, the general returned to 
Paris, invigorated in body and mind. For some 
time no very important diplomatic problems were 



MINISTER TO FRANCE 173 

presented for solution, and the time was employed 
in a study of French manners and political condi- 
tions. As has already been said, the king became 
a close friend of the American minister, so inti- 
mate, indeed, that the other ambassadors are re- 
ported to have been jealous of the undue influence 
of the republican representative. Louis Philippe 
was an affable and courteous man, possessed of 
a wonderful store of knowledge, and he won the 
admiration and even affection of Cass. There is 
no doubt that the citizen king had many noble 
qualities. His shabby treatment of Gouverneur 
Morris, who furnished him with funds for his 
travels in America, and gave him unlimited credit 
with his own New York banker, is not a complete 
index to his character. There was much in him 
that merited admiration, though he had some bour- 
geois propensities and certain tendencies to small- 
ness where a greater breadth was to be expected. 
And yet he was a real king, and his grasp of 
affairs often belied the maxim of the doctrinaires, 
that the king reigns but does not rule. Thiers 
served him with his brilliance and Guizot with his 
philosophic wisdom, but the constitutional "King 
of the French " did not always give himself up to 
their guidance. Physical courage he did not lack, 
but he seems to have needed political energy, 
promptness, and decision. This weakness after- 
ward showed itself in the evil days of February, 
1848, when too complacently he yielded to insur- 
rection, and gave up his crown, soon to be seized 



174 LEWIS CASS 

by one with more cunning and with more relent- 
less ambition. 

The happiness of the domestic life of the king 
and his personal attractions blinded Cass to politi- 
cal faidts. He had begun to take notes of his 
impressions of France and Europe when he came 
to Paris, and he now published in an American 
periodical an account of the life of King Louis 
Philippe, with a commentary on French govern- 
ment and the conditions of the people. In 1840 
these articles were published in New York in book 
form, with the title "France, its King, Court, 
and Government. By an American." The book 
has many merits. It recounts the life of Louis 
Philippe in his early days of adversity, when he 
fled from revolutionary France ; it relates his trav- 
els in an easy flowing narrative, and gives an at- 
tractive picture of his wanderings in America and 
his visit to the Western country with which the 
writer was so well acquainted. There is a vein 
of pleasantry and humor in this portion of the 
story, though Cass by mental construction was ill 
adapted to light and vivacious description ; never- 
theless certain aspects of Western life are presented 
with vividness, and there is the charm which 
always comes with the tale of one who writes of 
what he knows and loves. The later life of the 
king and his character are set forth in an interest- 
ing fashion. The description of political France 
of fifty years ago gives the book lasting historic 
value. It is apparent that he had peered with no 



MINISTER TO FRANCE 176 

careless glance into the woeful depths of seethmg 
Paris; that he appreciated the uneasiness and dis- 
content of its hidden life, that from the standpoint 
of happy democracy he could judge with pecul- 
iar advantage the fruitless longings and insensate 
clamorings of the people who did not know the 
good they had, and sought what they could not use. 
"God be praised!" wrote Cass, "we have no 
Paris, with its powerful influence and its inflam- 
mable materials. He who occupies the lowliest 
cabin upon the very verge of civilization has just 
as important a part to play in the fate of our 
country as the denizen of the proudest city in the 
land." 

From such observations and studies as these, 
Cass was called to important diplomatic duties. 
For some time England and the United States 
had been giving each other the retort courteous, 
from which the next step is the cut direct. The 
northeastern boundary question had become an 
active stimulant to disorder. Maine would not be 
robbed, and Canada would not be cheated. Even 
more serious complications had arisen, growing 
out of the Canadian rebellion of 1837 and the 
turbulence in western New York consequent upon 
it. At that time an invasion of the province was 
threatened by some fugitives and by American 
sympathizers. A small steamer, the Caroline, was 
to be used for this purpose, but when lying at 
the American shore in the Niagara River she was 
seized by an expedition from Canada and sent 



176 <f^'^.^' LEWIS CASS 

over the falls. A citizen of the United States 
was killed in the affray, and the excitement did 
not die out in a moment. Three years later Alex- 
ander McLeod came from Canada to New York, 
and openly claimed the honor of having killed 
the American. He was at once arrested on the 
charge of murder, and held for trial. His deten- 
tion immediately became a serious diplomatic dif- 
ficulty. Lord Palmerston demanded McLeod's 
release. Our government had not charge of the 
prisoner and could not surrender him, for Gov- 
ernor Seward positively refused to renounce the 
jurisdiction of the State of New York. The Eng- 
lish now acknowledged the Caroline affair as an 
international one, and assumed the position that 
not McLeod, but the British government was re- 
sponsible, if any breach of law had been commit- 
ted. It looked in the early part of 1841 as if war 
with Great Britain was imminent. "If he should 
be condemned we must throw away the scabbard," 
wrote Mr. Harcourt, in March. Ui3on Webster, 
who had been called to the foreign office by Har- 
rison, and retained in his position when Tyler be- 
came President, devolved the task of guiding the 
country through the difficulties which now beset 
it. 

Cass had a point of vantage from which to view 
European affairs and to watch the shifting clouds 
of war and politics. Even Stevenson at the Court 
of St. James did not have such extra-official means 
of discovering the popular sentiment of England 



MINISTER TO FRANCE 177 

as were furnisliecl to Cass by the English colony 
at Paris. On March 5, 1841, Cass wrote to 
Webster that he had reliable information that the 
English fleet was preparing for the order to sail 
to Halifax. "Of one thing I am sure: there is 
a bad feeling against us in England, and this feel- 
ing is daily and manifestly augmenting." The 
terrible efficiency of the steam frigates, with their 
heavy guns "carrying balls weighing from sixty to 
a hundred pounds,"^ warned defenseless America 
to forge her coat of mail. Ten days after this 
first warning another letter was sent relating in 
confidence the substance of several interviews with 
the king, who asserted that the French antipathy 
to England would implicate France in the war if 
it were once begim. The hostility to England 
entertained by our minister to France was begin- 
ning to affect his speech a little. There was no 
need of his announcing to Webster, in a strident 
missive, that the English were the "most credu- 
lous people upon the face of the earth in all that 
concerns their own wishes or pretensions;" that 
they were "always right and everybody else wrong." 
He added advice: "Bend all your effort to steam. 
Equip all the steam vessels you can." Webster 
already appreciated the danger, and such peremp- 
tory language was a little beyond the margin of 
good taste and discretion. There is no evidence 
that Webster resented it at the time, but when an 
opportunity for retaliation offered itseK he seized 

^ Curtis, Life of Daniel Webster, -vol. ii. p. 63. 



178 LEWIS CASS 

upon It in a manner which suggests the energy of 
accumulated resentment. 

In good season all danger of war from this 
affair disappeared, when McLeod was acquitted 
by a jury in New York, in October, 1841. 

The winter of 1842 was the beginning of the 
end of Cass's diplomatic career; it was also the 
beginning of a new period in his life, the interpre- 
tation of which requires patient discrimination. 
Did he from this time on consciously endeavor to 
reach the presidential chair by any and all means? 
Are his acts all to be read in the light of a con- 
suming ambition? Did he henceforth stifle his 
conscience and give up his principles in exchange 
for the political support of the slaveholder? The 
slavery question was fairly in politics. The slave- 
baron had catechised Van Buren when he came 
before the people for election. The nefarious gag 
laws had aroused Northern indignation. The ex- 
treme abolitionists were continuing their crusade 
with wonted vehemence and fanatical vigor. But 
the day had gone by when Garrison could be 
dragged through the streets of Boston at the end 
of a halter, or Prudence Crandall insulted and im- 
poverished in puritanic Connecticut. In the waver- 
ing North the ultra-abolitionist was allowed in 
peace to denounce the Constitution as "a covenant 
with death and an agreement with hell." The mod- 
erate abolitionists, at the same time, prepared to 
fight with the ballot in accordance with rule and 
reason. In the midst of all the sound and non- 



MINISTER TO FRANCE 179 

sense of the "hard cider" campaign of 1840 little 
attention was paid to the nominees of the Liberty 
party. For them a vote was cast so trifling that 
it scarcely caused a ripple on the placid satisfac- 
tion with which the country welcomed the election 
of plain "Old Tip." But the slavery question 
was fairly in politics. Henceforth a' candidate 
for favors must run the gauntlet for Southern in- 
spection, and soon for Northern investigation as 
well. 

In December, 1841, the representatives of Eng- 
land, France, Prussia, Russia, and Austria, high 
contracting parties at London, entered into a 
treaty for the suppression of the slave trade. The 
cruisers of each nation were accorded the right to 
detain and search vessels belonging to any one of 
the others, if such vessel should "on reasonable 
grounds be suspected of being engaged in the 
traffic in slaves." Liasmuch as English ships of 
war outnumbered those of the other countries, this 
gave to England special facilities for checking this 
traffic, against which she had proclaimed a war to 
the knife. Moreover the treaty was a pretentious 
and suspicious formality, for the Mediterranean 
was specially excluded, and no ship belonging to 
Russia, Austria, or Prussia had ever been engaged 
in the slave trade, or been interfered with, on that 
charge, by British vessels. That England had 
the motive of bolstering up her claims to search 
and visitation seems, therefore, undeniable. Cass 
was uneasy. The people whom he hated had 



180 LEWIS CASS 

gained possession of a leverage. Stimulated by 
his antipathy his imagination conjured up evils to 
come. On February 1, 1842, a pamphlet from 
his pen was published in Paris, inveighing against 
the treaty and attempting to infer the purpose of 
England from her past assumption of right. It 
bore the title, "An Examination of the Question, 
now in Discussion, between the American and 
British Governments, concerning the Right of 
Search, by an American," and had for a motto, 
"' When we doubted, we took the trick.' London 
Times, January, 1842." The pamphlet contained 
a discussion of the whole question of the right of 
search, showing the insolence of Britain in the 
past, her steady progress toward dominion on the 
sea, and the reasons for fearing that the quintuple 
treaty was simply another step toward a consum- 
mation she so devoutly wished. The suspicions 
of the design of England were perhaps partly 
unfounded; but she had no right to complain 
because she was suspected. Lord Brougham, in 
the House of Lords (February 21, 1842), an- 
nounced that the sole wish of England was "to 
see the infernal slave traffic put down," and that 
"any general right of search," or any object ex- 
cept the prevention of slave trade in Africa was 
not sought or contemplated.^ We now may do 
England more justice than Cass could then do 
her. But in view of all her conduct, then fresh 
in men's minds, the United States was bound to 

^ Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, vol. Ix. p. 718. 



MINISTER TO FRANCE 181 

object to such apparent justification by the other 
four great nations of Europe. 

The pamphlet was received with approbation in 
America. Niles printed the document in full, to 
the exclusion of "other matter," remarking that 
it was "attributed to the pen of our vigilant and 
talented minister at the French court." 

On February 13 a protest against the concur- 
rence of the French government in the quintuple 
treaty was written at the American legation at 
Paris and transmitted to M. Guizot, minister of 
foreign affairs. This asserted that England had 
recently been vigorously claiming the right to 
enter and examine American vessels for the pur- 
pose of ascertaining their nationality; the ratifica- 
tion of the treaty under consideration might seem 
to sanction this right claimed by one of the con- 
tracting parties. "The United States," it contin- 
ued, "do not fear that any such united attempts 
will be made upon their independence. What, 
however, they may reasonably fear is that in the 
execution of this treaty measures will be taken 
which they must resist." The appeal to French 
jealousy of England, the covert intimation that 
war might ensue, — "one of those desperate strug- 
gles which have sometimes occurred in the history 
of the world," — sufficed to turn France into oppo- 
sition, and she refused to ratify the treaty. The 
sensitive French people felt that England was far 
too condescending; and, moreover, France had 
her own sweet sins; for many of her southern 



182 LEWIS CASS 

ports had more than a vicarious interest in the 
remunerative traffic. Not till 1845 did the two 
countries agree to keep an effective double fleet 
on the coast of Africa to crush the trade, a plan 
which, it will be seen, was an imitation of the 
one adopted by America in 1842. England was 
greatly annoyed at the withdrawal of France. 
Lord Brougham attacked Cass as a leader of low 
American democracy pandering to mob jealousy 
of England. Wheaton, however, asserted that 
the treaty of Washington was the determining in- 
fluence which brought about the rejection of the 
treaty by France, and Webster and Cass after- 
wards had a spirited controversy on the subject in 
the Senate,^ in April, 1846. 

The American government sanctioned the pro- 
test which Cass had sent Guizot on his own autho- 
rity, and accepted its doctrines. "Tyler too," 
the quasi- Whig, who had been borne into office 
with Democratic luggage in the whirlwind of pop- 
ular enthusiasm for Harrison, and was now ruling 
in solitary state, a president without a party, was 
not the man to object because of too much zeal 
for slavery. Webster, although he publicly ap- 
proved, looked somewhat askance at the pamphlet 
and protest, and privately commented severely on 
the conduct of both Cass and Stevenson. "They 
thought," he said, "to make great political head- 
way upon a popular gale."^ Even the pamphlet 

1 Congressional Globe, Ist Session, 29th Congress, p. 627. ..j 

2 Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, vol. ad. p. 243. 



MINISTER TO FRANCE 183 

lie declared "quite inconclusive" as a "piece of 
law logic," however distinguished it might be for 
ardent American feeling.^ History, however, has 
proved the reverse. All flat denunciations of 
search and visitation were unsuccessful, while the 
inconclusive "law logic" of Cass has become a 
recognized rule in international law. He j)lainly 
propounded a principle which Mr. Webster seem- 
ingly failed to grasp, although it is the only rea- 
sonable and sensible ground for determining such 
difficiUties. It would not do to declare : " If you 
touch our vessels we will fight." Were we to pro- 
tect every piratical slaver which insolently raised 
our flag? The principle, as laid down in the 
pamphlet, and years afterward, through the efforts 
of Cass, acknowledged by England to be correct, 
was simply this : you have no right to touch our 
vessels on the high seas; if you suspect that a 
vessel carrying our flag is not entitled to it, you 
examine her papers at your peril; if you are mis- 
taken, you must answer to the American govern- 
ment. This reasoning underlies the whole com- 
mon law, and Mr. Webster ought to have been 
wiser than to sneer at it. 

In political circles in America the action was 
widely discussed. Adams called Cass's protest 
"absurd," and finally poured out upon it one of 
those pieces of venomous resentment which some- 
times issued from him when the thought of the 
iniquity of slavery caused the old man's blood to 

1 Curtis's Life of Daniel Webster, vol. ii. p. 118. 



184 LEWIS CASS 

boil. He wrote: "Cass's Protest of the ISth of 
February, 1842, against tbe ratification by France 
of the treaty signed and sealed by her own ambas- 
sador, is a compound of Yankee cunning, of Ital- 
ian perfidy, and of French legerete^ cemented by 
shameless profligacy, unparalleled in American 
diplomacy. Tyler's approval of it is at once dis- 
honest, mean, insincere, and hollow-hearted." ^ 

There was, however, great diplomatic wisdom 
in the movement. Tyler wrote to Webster that 
he had "risen from the perusal of the foreign 
newspapers with a feeling essentially in favor of 
General Cass's course." "The message has been 
the basis of his movements, and the refusal of 
France to ratify the treaty of the five powers gives 
us more sea-room with Lord Ashburton. . . . 
The ' Times ' of London assumed a tone which 
looked confoundedly as if the ratification by the 
five powers was afterward to be proclaimed as 
equivalent to the establishment of a new rule of 
national law."^ There was exultation in more 
than one quarter. "For the first time in our his- 
tory," wrote Wheaton from Berlin, "could it be 
said that the American government had exerted 
an influence on the policy of Europe."^ The wis- 
dom of the action can be determined only by a 
consideration of the circumstances of the case. It 
is easy enough now to hurl invectives because our 

^ Memoirs, vol. xi. p. 338. 

* Letters and Times of the Tylers, vol. ii. p. 233. 

^ Quoted ibid. 



MINISTER TO FRANCE 185 

foreign minister interfered with a treaty, the os- 
tensible intent of which was to check the slave 
trade. It is easy enough to attribute it all to the 
craving ambition of a crafty "log roller," as does 
Von Hoist. ^ "The scheming political ' log roller,' 
with a high aim at the object of his own personal 
ambition, and the hot temperament of the would-be 
great man of mediocre endowments and mediocre 
education, cooperated to give such a form to the 
effusions of the ardent patriot that Adams's hard 
judgment upon them seems scarcely exaggerated." 
This keen German critic of our country's history, 
who has so shrewdly interpreted and so skillfully 
arranged his facts, has frequently failed to pierce 
into American popular feeling and emotion ; more- 
over, an affectionate regard for Adams has often 
blinded him to the faults of the noble old man, 
and a bitter entry in a diary replete with denun- 
ciation has been taken as temperate criticism. No 
one can estimate too highly the life and work of 
that last of the Puritans ; but he who writes his- 
tory by the fitful light of such comment will see 
but darkly. 

The prime motive for the action of Cass in this 
affair was his inveterate dislike and distrust of 
England, sentiments which he had good cause to 
entertain. It will be remembered that not until 
1839 (less than three years before the date of his 
pamphlet) did the English give up their efforts in 
the Northwest, as already described, and that his 

^ History of the United States, vol. ii. p. 489. 



186 LEWIS CASS 

whole life preceding his admission to Jackson's 
cabinet had brought him into antagonism with 
British aggression. Filled with pride for America 
and her institutions, he had met in Eurojje the 
sneers and condescensions of English travelers, 
who looked pityingly upon his country and with 
qualified approbation upon France. His writings 
in the early years of his ministry shadow forth the 
same suspicion. Yet no one can say decisively 
that the slavery question did not also move him. 
The pamphlet announced that the writer was no 
slaveholder, that he never had been, and never 
should be; but he found his way to the beaten 
track of biblical justification, and pointed to Jo- 
seph in the bondage of Egypt. A few months 
before his objection to the treaty he had been 
proposed as a candidate for the presidency by a 
meeting in Philadelphia, and had published in the 
"Philadelphia Sentinel" a carefully worded reply. 
"He certainly does not in his letter," says Niles, 
"court a nomination to that office; but yet admits 
that in the contingency of being called upon by 
the general voice of the Democratic party he would 
not withhold his assent."^ But even on the sup- 
position that the presidential bee had begun its 
buzzing, it is anticipating later political tactics 
to suppose that, as the prime condition of Demo- 
cratic support, he threw himself into the arms 
of the slavocracy. "The favoring gale," which 
would waft him on his way, was bold opposition 

1 Niles, l3d. p. 80, October 2, 1841. 



MINISTER TO FRANCE 187 

to England, ardent Americanism, and evident dis- 
approval of forcible abolition. 

Admitting as possible the play of various mo- 
tives, it is still true that the pamphlet and protest 
were entirely justifiable. England had been assert- 
ing with renewed vigor her right of visitation, 
which she now cleverly distinguished from search, 
and had carried her principles into exasperating 
practice. Mr. Eugene Schuyler, in speaking of 
the treaty, has left the weight of his undoubted 
authority in favor of General Cass's action. "For- 
tunately," he writes, "our minister to Paris at 
that time was General Lewis Cass, a man of great 
experience, of decided views, and who had suc- 
ceeded in obtaining a very intimate and friendly 
footing with the French government."^ This au- 
thor shows more plainly than any one else has 
done, how the defense of American rights on the 
seas is coupled with the name of Cass. 

The Ashburton treaty was signed at Washing- 
ton August 9, 1842. It was ratified by the Sen- 
ate August 26, by a vote of thirty -nine to nine. 
Webster could fairly pride himself upon the result 
of the negotiations; and the approval of the Sen- 
ate seems very complimentary to his efforts, if one 
considers his anomalous condition. Even before 
a treaty was signed, there were clamorous demands 
for his resignation by the Whig newspapers; for 
it was hard to bear with equanimity that their 
own giant should be used to sustain the renegade 

^ American Diplomacy and the Furtherance of Commerce, p. 252. 



188 LEWIS CASS 

Whig who occupied the presidential chair. Yet 
Tyler's own self-satisfied suavity, it may be said, 
had aided not a little in smoothing out the "wrin- 
kles of negotiation." 1 Virginian though he was, 
he first suggested that each nation should keep a 
squadron on the coast of Africa to suppress the 
slave trade, 2 a stipulation which forms article 
eight of the treaty. The squadrons were to be 
independent of each other, but the two govern- 
ments agreed, nevertheless, to give such orders to 
the officers commanding the respective forces as 
should enable them "most effectually to act in 
concert and cooperation, upon mutual consulta- 
tion," as exigencies might arise, for the execution 
of all such orders. 

A copy of the treaty, and the news of its ratifi- 
cation, reached Paris September 17, and Cass 
immediately sent word to his government that he 
could no longer be useful in his position, and that 
his private affairs demanded his attention at home. 
When later he had received letters and dispatches 
from Mr. Webster in relation to the matter, he 
sent a long communication in which he comj)lained 
because there was no renunciation by Great Brit- 
ain of her right of search. The pretensions of 
the English in this regard had of late been pro- 
ductive of some injury. American traders had 
been stopped and searched with a view to ascer- 
taining their real nationality, and whether or not 

* Schouler's History of the United States, vol. iv. p. 403. 
^ Letters and Times of the Tylers, vol. ii. p. 219. 



MINISTER TO FRANCE 189 

they were slavers. Cass by his pamphlet and 
protest had identified himseK with the controversy, 
and now that a treaty had been made and ratified 
he felt piqued that England was not forced to 
forego her assumption; his government had not 
gone so far as he had expected, or as his protest 
had promised. He was in an awkward position, 
and he tried to extricate himself by criticising 
Webster and by objecting to the treaty after it 
had been signed and ratified. His own enthusi- 
asm and sense had prompted him to oppose Great 
Britain, and the President had approved his con- 
duct. But now affairs had taken a different turn. 
Resignation was open to him, and a dignified 
withdrawal would have been sufficient. A bitter 
correspondence, however, which attracted a great 
deal of attention, was begun between Cass and 
Webster. Adams wrote about it in that bitter 
diary : " The controversy between Lewis Cass and 
Daniel Webster about the Ashburton Treaty, the 
rights of visitation and of search, and the Quin- 
tuple treaty, still, with the comet, the zodiacal 
light, and the Millerite prediction of the second 
advent of Christ and the end of the world within 
five weeks from this day, continue to absorb much 
of the public and of my attention." He compared 
the "rumpus" to the complaints of Silas Deane 
and to Monroe's famous attack upon the Washing- 
ton administration. 

The letters which passed between the ex-minis- 
ter and the secretary of state have been published 



190 LEWIS CASS 

in the public documents, and do not need presen- 
tation here. The President reported them in an- 
swer to a request from the Senate. Cass insisted 
that he was thrown into an embarrassing position 
by Webster's action, and charged that the coim- 
try, through the secretary of state, had stultified 
itself in not making a renunciation of the right of 
visitation and search a condition precedent to the 
consideration of the matters which were treated 
of in the eighth article. He did not directly 
criticise the President and Senate, but announced 
his belief that the ratification of the treaty ought 
to have been coupled with an express denunciation ^ 
of the right of search. Webster, on the other 
hand, asserted that no such stand was needed on 
our part, that the Ashburton treaty reaffirmed 
and made stronger America's opposition to Eng- 
lish assumption on the seas, that the government 
of the United States relied on its own power and 
not upon statements in treaties or conventions. 
Again Mr. Webster ought to have been wiser. 
Our vessels were being visited and searched in 
spite of our "power " and our denial of such a 
right. Short of war, negotiation was the only 
means of obtaining cessation of such annoyances. 
He himself found it necessary to protest in later 
years. The odious right was claimed, and occa- 
sionally exercised, by Great Britain for sixteen 
years, until Cass himself as secretary of state took 
up the old argument of his pamphlet which Web- 
ster had deemed inconclusive, and compelled the 



MINISTER TO FRANCE 191 

English government to recognize its cogency and 
publicly to abandon her pretensions. What Cass 
said in these letters to Webster had already been 
suggested in the debates in the Senate, and events 
soon proved him "in the right and Mr. Web- 
ster in the wrong. "^ The secretary in this corre- 
spondence quoted with approbation a passage from 
the President's message, which intimated that the 
clause of the treaty providing for cruisers on 
the coast of Africa had removed "all pretext on the 
part of others for violating the immunities of the 
American flag on the seas." But English states- 
men at once repelled such an interpretation. "Nor 
do we understand," said Sir Robert Peel, then 
prime minister, "that in signing that treaty the 
United States could suj)pose that the claim was 
abandoned." It was undoubtedly unfortunate that, 
at a time when the statement would have carried 
peculiar force, Webster did not see fit to announce 
our unflinching adherence to our rights. 

In one particular the ex-minister was wholly at 
a disadvantage. The treaty as ratified was none 
of his special business, and he was not called upon 
to denounce it except as a private citizen. On 
the other hand Webster was, as Sumner said, as 
powerful as he was unamiable, and the lack of 
good humor gave his adversary an opportunity for 
effective retort which he might otherwise have 
missed. The quarrel continued until March, 1843, 
some months after the return of General Cass from 

^ Schuyler's American Diplomacy, p. 255. 



192 LEWIS CASS 

Paris; but, of course, nothing was accomplished 
by it. It may be doubted whether this ill-natured 
controversy was of great assistance in the race for 
the presidency; probably it did help a little, al- 
though the people of the country were, on the 
whole, pretty well satisfied with the Ashburton 
settlement, and did not perceive the need of a 
bolder stand against English presumption. 

This matter has heretofore been treated of in 
a partisan manner. The lives of Webster hold 
his letters up for admiration. Cass's letters ap- 
pear without their answers in his biographies. 
Mr. Peter Harvey has left us a story in his 
" Personal Reminiscences and Anecdotes of Daniel 
Webster," which has found credence in the minds 
of more trustworthy writers. According to this 
account, Cass was so overwhelmed by the replies 
of Webster to his attacks that he confessed him- 
self beaten, said his position was unbearable, and 
begged that he be allowed to write another letter 
to which the secretary should promise to make no 
surrejoinder. This tale bears its own refutation 
on its face, but it has been accepted even by those 
who have generally placed the correct value on 
Mr. Harvey's productions.^ Cass was applauded 
and toasted for his success in the controversy, and 
it is perfectly clear that it did not detract from 

^ Mr. Lodge in his life of Webster has declared that " a more 
Tintrustworthy book it woiJd be impossible to imagine." Yet his 
own admirable sketch of Webster's career has given new currency 
to the tale. 



MINISTER TO FRANCE 193 

his popularity and the high estimation in which 
he was held at the time. Moreover in recognizins; 
him as one of their great leaders the Democracy 
accepted his attacks upon Webster. He had lost 
his senses, if he whined for pity, as Harvey asserts 
that he did. I have the explicit denial of this 
fact from Mr. Charles E. Anderson, who was 
secretary of the legation at Paris, and who knew 
Cass with a keener appreciation and with a better 
judgment than this "loving and devoted Boswell" 
knew Webster. 

"The sage of Marshfield" was mighty in argu- 
ment, but Cass was well able to hold his own. 
His ability, of which there cannot be the slightest 
doubt, his strength in debate, and his power in 
argument have been greatly under-estimated since 
his death. The eulogistic biographies which ap- 
peared in his lifetime, though not without their 
merits, lack discrimination and lose the weight 
belonging to judicious approval. The generation 
of the Rebellion, naturally enough, is but just 
emerging from a state of antipathetic criticism 
of all who were not of the vehement antislavery 
school. Those still living, who knew Cass in his 
vigor, are not willing to admit, whatever may 
have been their political convictions, that in real 
strength and capacity, in mental virility or acu- 
men, he was overmatched by any save the very 
greatest of his day. His placid, kindly disposi- 
tion won for him a lasting affection among those 
who knew him, and remembrance may have warped 



194 LEWIS CASS 

judgment ; but the name of Cass recalls to an old 
Michigan Whig a friend to be loved and admired, 
and a foe to be dreaded. Of the statesmen of his 
generation, only Webster surpassed him in pro- 
fundity of argument. Calhoun excelled him in 
keenness and directness of debate. Clay outstripped 
him in fiery beauty of eloquence and in power for 
popular leadership. Although he never tried to 
imitate the professional tactics of Van Buren, the 
only Democratic leader comparable to him, he at 
least equaled the "Little Magician" in all the 
more graceful and honorable arts of statesmanship. 
The American citizens of Paris were loath to 
bid farewell to the representative of their country, 
whose constant attention and courtesy they appre- 
ciated. His residence was elegant and attractive. 
"General Cass's hotel is furnished siunptuously," 
wrote Charles Sumner in his journal. "The table 
was splendid, and the attendance perfect; servants 
in small clothes constantly supplying you with 
some new luxury. . . . Mr. Cass is a man of 
large private fortune, and is said to live in a style 
superior to that of any minister ever sent by 
America."^ On November 11 a public dinner 
was given the retiring minister by his resident 
countrymen. The expressions of regret at his 
departure were many, and seemingly from the 
heart. The master of the feast in his address 
reminded the company that they had come to- 

1 Memoirs and Letters of Charles Sumner, by Edward L. Pierce, 
vol. i. p. 253. 



MINISTER TO FRANCE 195 

gether, without distinction of party, to testify 
affectionate respect for their distinguished guest. 
Making due allowance for the flattering unction 
of post-prandial phrases, we still see that the 
news correspondent was right in his message, which 
announced: "General Cass has won all hearts at 
Paris. They loved the man; they admired the 
dauntless envoy of their country. "^ The speech 
of General Cass in answer to the toast, "Honor 
to our illustrious fellow citizen, and a happy return 
to a grateful country," was a finished piece of 
declamation over the smiling Providence which 
especially shapes the ends of the United States of 
America. His eloquence had the old-fashioned 
sonorous quality. He offered none of "the foam 
Aphrodite of Bacchus 's sea," nor the froth and 
airy nothingness of modern after-dinner speech- 
making. There was little to lighten the heavy 
rhythm of his sentences. His response was, as 
his addresses usually were, scholarly, philosophic, 
sensible, and, above all, democratic. He could 
continually strike the keynote of the democratic 
anthem, leaving the frivolous overtones for more 
frolicsome speakers and writers. The peculiar vic- 
tory of Cass as the champion of American rights 
was applauded in the toast, "The sovereignty of 
the seas, common to all nations, but exclusive 
under every flag." 

Another chapter of the career of Cass was 
ended. He had conducted himself with rare dis- 

^ Communication to New York Courier and Enquirer. 



196 LEWIS CASS 

cretion as an American minister, and had quite 
outdone himself as a politician. Diplomatic mis- 
sions are usually dangerous to political ambition, 
for absence does not make the voter's heart grow 
fonder; but his six years' residence abroad had 
increased his reputation and his popularity. 



CHAPTER VII 
A DEMOCRATIC LEADER. — THE ELECTION OP 1844 

General Cass left his son-in-law, Mr. Led- 
yard, as charge d'affaires at Paris. After a 
voyage of three weeks, not a slow trip for those 
times, he arrived in Boston on December 6, 1842. 
The people of the country were ready to welcome 
him with enthusiasm. Immediately upon his ar- 
rival the "citizens of New England," in a flatter- 
ing letter, congratulated him on his safe return to 
his native country, "after faithful and energetic 
service in an important crisis " of his mission, and 
asked for a meeting with him in Faneuil Hall, 
"the spot in which of all others America would 
desire to welcome her deserving ones." He was 
obliged by other arrangements to forego the plea- 
sure and the profit of communion with the political 
spirit of New England, and contented himself 
with meeting informally at his hotel those who 
wished to pay their respects to him. In New 
York even greater honors awaited him. A new 
luminary had been discovered by the sweeping 
astrolabe of the political astrologer. Ignorant of 
his fame and unappreciative of the popular curi- 
osity, he had intended to hurry on to Washington, 



198 LEWIS CASS 

and thence home, where business matters claimed 
his immediate attention. But metropolitan demo- 
cracy has generally obtained what it has sought. 
The governor's rooms were tendered him, and 
there he was received with cheers and all the ap- 
probation of party and patriotic devotion. Such 
ceremonies were bearding Van Buren in his very 
den; but as yet they could be accounted for as 
admiration for the envoy whose boldness had dig- 
nified America. 

These evidences of popidar approval in Northern 
States prove that his opposition to the quintuple 
treaty was not considered truckling to the slave 
power. Although an abolitionist was still an out- 
cast, if no longer an outlaw, nevertheless open 
bidding for Southern favor or the use of a diplo- 
matic mission for the defense of slavery would 
have been promptly resented. The political "boss- 
ism " of the Southerner added a sting to what 
might have been otherwise harmless. Mdeed that 
fact must be remembered through the whole his- 
tory of the slavery question. Without doubt the 
immorality of human bondage aroused the slum- 
bering consciences of the people; the shrill cries 
of the fanatic, the pleading eloquence of Phillips, 
the wonderful bravery of Giddings and Adams, 
the incessant agitation of a subject which would 
not down, were more than mere steps in a pro- 
gress toward united Northern sentiment; they were 
productive of a thought which, in the end, led the 
people, rejecting extravagances, to accept what 



A DEMOCRATIC LEADER 199 

was politically sound and morally right. But the 
infamous three fifths compromise gave power to 
the owner of chattels, and allowed the representa- 
tion of things; the domineering slave baron, in 
the halls of Congress, kindled by his insolent 
orderings the resentment of the "d — d trading 
Yankee." Without doing injustice, therefore, to 
the impetus of higher motives, or under-estimating 
the mighty propelling power of any moral move- 
ment, simply because it is moral, we must admit 
that very often, when the North was animated to 
special effort, and when Northern representatives 
showed themselves persistent and energetic, there 
was some current beside the moral one holding 
them to their duty, there was an evident dislike 
of the tactics, methods, and aims of the slave- 
holder. So, even if hatred of the black sin of 
the South had as yet found no broad resting-place, 
jealousy of Southern dictation, as well as national 
pride and human shame, would have prevented 
the people of New York and Boston from receiv- 
ing with acclamations any one who in their opin- 
ion had used a diplomatic office to pander to the 
prejudices of the slave-owner, and had for personal 
glory sought to shield a piratical traffic behind his 
country's name and his country's honor. 

Cass was welcomed at Washington by the Con- 
gressmen and satellite politicians who wished to 
scan the face of a new prophet. All the way from 
the capital to his Michigan home there were ap- 
plause and curiosity sufficient to satisfy the most 



200 LEWIS CASS 

hungry. He did not reach Detroit until February 
14, and his way from Washington was one tri- 
umphal march. The legislatures of Pennsylvania 
and Ohio welcomed and honored him, and the 
governors and principal officers came out several 
miles to escort him to their respective capitals, 
under the firing of artillery, ringing of bells, 
martial music, and a general turnout of all the 
volunteer militia. It is interesting to read in 
Niles an item recounting the popular enthusiasm 
over Cass, and by its side to see another short 
paragraph telling how Henry Clay was boisterously 
applauded at each step of a journey through the 
South. There were warmth and color in those 
young days of our country. There were heroes 
and a hero worship strange to us in these later 
days. A committee from Detroit met their re- 
turning fellow citizen at Ypsilanti, and he was 
conducted to his home by the route he had taken 
thirty years before, when he had hoped to escort 
Brush with his supplies to the assistance of Hull. 
Nothing speaks so well for Cass as the honor he 
had at his own home. The city was enthusiasti- 
cally devoted; he was the political Nestor of the 
State. Without using the arts of machine politics 
he retained his hold on the popular confidence and 
support, until the later spirit of liberty demanded 
a new leader inspired by the gospel of a new dis- 
pensation. 

At a banquet given in his honor soon after his 
return Cass was heartily toasted, with the hope 



A DEMOCRATIC LEADER 201 

of adding another spark to the kindling enthusi- 
asm of the country. His name was now fairly 
before the peojjle, and letters began to pour in 
upon him asking him all conceivable questions 
and propounding a series of enigmas, with the 
intention of ascertaining his exact political belief 
by the Socratic and Yankee method of discovering 
truth. Before Cass had reached Boston, on his 
return from France, the Democratic Central Com- 
mittee of Shelby County, Indiana, summoned a 
convention of all who were in favor of "the nomi- 
nation of either General Cass or Richard M. 
Johnson." In November, almost before the glare 
of the rockets of the congressional election had 
faded away, a convention of his friends in Harris- 
burg announced their preference for Lewis Cass 
as the next Democratic candidate for the presi- 
dency. The "New York Herald," indorsing the 
action of this convention, demanded new men and 
a new movement. The congressional election of 
1842 had been unusually mild and sensible, and 
in this sluggish indisposition the "Herald" saw 
need for the tonic of novelty. None of the old 
leaders could longer awaken enthusiasm; "but 
the movement now first made in Pennsylvania 
looks more like the real spirit of the people than 
anything we have seen of late. In that State, and 
in that way, did the name of Jackson and Harri- 
son come up, and carry all before them." Cass 
was the very man, this paper declared, who could 
with proper attention and effort be carried into 



202 LEWIS CASS 

the presidency with a universal shout of acclama- 
tion. The "Herald" went at it with a will, issued 
extra copies, and shouted in leaded lines for an- 
other hero of 1812, believing that a new Jackson 
was found to lead the chosen Democratic seed 
back from captivity. 

The Whig papers, curious and incredulous, 
doubted the orthodoxy of the new candidate, and 
the Democrats desired to be sure of him. Hardly 
had he landed when a letter from Mahlon Dicker- J 
son, a fellow member of Jackson's cabinet, was 
sent asking him for a full confession of faith. 
The answer was frankly given. "I am a member 
of the Democratic party, and have been so from 
my youth. I was called into public life by Mr. 
Jefferson, thirty-six years ago, and am a firm be- 
liever in the principles laid down by him." Two 
short paragraphs, in addition to this shrewd state- 
ment of old Republican affiliation, announced hos- 
tility to a national bank and belief in the saving 
efficacy of specie payment. 

Interrogatories to the various candidates before 
the country were issued by a convention at Indian- 
apolis early in 1843. To these, answers were sent 
by Calhoun, Buchanan, Johnson, and Cass. All 
sound the tocsin of faithful partisanship with no 
uncertain sound. Even Calhoun, long a free lance 
ready to strike at anything opposed to his cher- 
ished state sovereignty and organized anarchy, 
seemed to have temporarily left his nomadic poli- 
tics. He replied that he had no reason to doubt 



A DEMOCRATIC LEADER 203 

that his friends would abide by the decision of a 
convention fairly summoned to express the wishes 
of the party. All this looked like happiness and 
harmony. Cass gave his answers to the questions 
at some length and with great good sense. Hav- 
ing always entertained a doubt of the constitution- 
ality of a bank, he now condemned it; the pro- 
ceeds from the sale of public land should not be 
distributed among the States, because it was sim- 
ply taking the money out of one pocket to drop 
it into the other, and sums equal to those dis- 
tributed must needs be raised again by taxation ; 
a tariff for revenue with incidental protection 
should be "wisely and moderately established and 
then left to its own operation, so that the commu- 
nity could calculate on its reasonable duration 
and thus avoid ruinous fluctuations;" an amend- 
ment to the Constitution limiting the veto power 
seemed at the time unnecessary and therefore in- 
expedient. All this constituted a sufficiently good 
platform. As affairs then stood the Democratic 
party was without doubt lying quietly at good an- 
chorage. Would it be content without the excite- 
ment and flurry of new and momentous issues? 

On Jefferson's birthday the Democratic citizens 
of Philadelphia celebrated the occasion, and Cass 
was invited to be present. His well-worded letter 
of regret was read amid the enthusiasm of those 
present, and the following toast was offered : " Gen- 
eral Lewis Cass, the soldier, the diplomatist, and 
the statesman: his correspondence with Webster 



204 LEWIS CASS 

proves his knowledge of the American character, 
and his ability to defend it." Lord Brougham's 
bitter attack on Cass aided his popularity and his 
chances for nomination. That noble lord accused 
him of debasing himself to pander to the lowest, 
meanest feeling of the "groveling and groundling " 
politician, and asserted that he, an American min- 
ister, had appealed to the hatred of England felt 
by the "rabble." Such charges by a British aris- 
tocrat were sweet morsels for the democracy on 
whom Cass hoped to rely. In various portions 
of the country wires were pulled for the new 
Michigan candidate. A friend in New York in- 
sisted that the elective offices ought to be divided 
among the adherents of Cass and Calhoun as well 
as of Van Buren, "so as to divide the loaves and 
fishes party." Men in Pennsylvania, in accord- 
ance with Cass's desires, deprecated the attacks 
upon Van Buren, lest such conduct might react 
and insure the persistent enmity of his followers.^ 
Early in 1843, therefore, eighteen months be- 
fore the day of election, candidates for the Demo- 
cratic nomination were fairly before the country 
with a careful, reserved, and negative j)olicy. 
The only difficulty seemed to lie in the choice of 
any one of them as standard bearer. Many felt 
that Van Buren had been harshly treated in 1840, 
and hoped that the people, returning to reason, 
would undo the riot of the last campaign and put 
the "Little Magician" in the White House again. 

^ Private papers of Lewis Cass. 



A DEMOCRATIC LEADER 205 

He had been a brave and consistent leader; and 
had been beaten rather by the financial distress 
of the country and the sins which Jackson had 
visited upon him than because of any errors of his 
own. But poetic justice is not political justice; 
and when once a candidate has been defeated there 
is a natural hesitation about sacrificing party in- 
terest on the altar of idealistic honor. Moreover 
Van Buren had had his turn, and of course had 
satisfied only a portion of the horde of hungry 
officeseekers. Those not satisfied with their share 
of the spoils would naturally seek another leader, 
from whom tliey might expect to obtain their de- 
sires. If he could not be elected with prestige 
of success to buoy him up, with the power of the 
officeholder to aid him, what reason was there to 
expect his election after he had been defeated, and 
when the officeholders had nothing to gain and 
everything to lose by his election ? Although the 
majority of the party were still favorably disposed 
towards him, therefore, and though many of the 
politicians still obeyed the customary rein, and 
did becoming homage to their peerless teacher, 
there was good reason to believe that, even if no 
new issue presented itself, there would be a strong 
effort for a new candidate in whom the people 
might imagine any and all virtues, and whose 
unknown quantity might be substituted to solve 
widely different problems. 

Buchanan could rely on the strong support of 
Pennsylvania, his own State. He belonged to 



206 LEWIS CASS 

the school of the cautious, judicious politicians, 
who seek a safe retreat from worry and vexation 
in a mild policy of indecision and wise delay. 
Eichard M. Johnson of Kentucky was the reputed 
slayer of Tecumseh. It might be doubted whether 
this fact of itself qualified him for the presidency ; 
but that was not the point at issue. It unques- 
tionably added to his availability as a nominee. 
He had been a convenient and obedient cat's paw 
for Jackson, a harmless and purposeless vice-presi- 
dent under Van Buren, and was now refreshingly 
frank and coyly open in the expression of his 
wants; he would take either the presidency or the 
vice-presidency as the party desired. 

There was never any real hope of Calhoun's 
nomination. His opinions were too dangerously 
evident, and he was the enemy of the dying sage 
at the Hermitage. He exhibited unexijected 
strength, however, even in New York where Van 
Buren was supposed to dominate matters; for the 
young men of the party admired the towering 
ability of the old nuUifier, who had now appar- 
ently drifted back fairly within the headlands of 
the Democratic haven. The experienced voter 
learns to estimate aright the superiority of medio- 
crity; but the young voter places too high a valu- 
ation upon greatness. Beyond all, Calhoun was 
of Irish descent, and the potent bond of Celtic 
sympathy held for him the allegiance of a power- 
ful political constituency in the great cities of the 
Atlantic seaboard, an element which has never 





■^^S'^^^te^ 



"t^Z^^ ,^^^!%i::^ 



A DEMOCRATIC LEADER 207 

been addicted to fair-weather voting, or to off- 
year epidemics, or to despising the primary meet- 
ing. Since the days of Jefferson there has been 
an intimacy between the aristocratic South and 
the congested population of Northern cities, — a 
union based partly, perhaps, on the very name of 
the favorite party; partly on the fact that Feder- 
alists, Whigs, and Republicans have represented 
the tariff, the bank, internal improvements, and 
strong government; partly on the fact that the 
immigrant, who has come to the "land of free- 
dom," gravitates without thought to the party 
which was born of opposition to centralization, 
and was the advocate of individualism ; partly on 
the fact that democracy represents what is peculiar 
to America, and is forcibly distinct from the civi- 
lization of trans-Atlantic countries, and is there- 
fore attractive to him who has shaken from his 
feet the dust of old association. At this time the 
foreign element, especially the Irish, was strongly 
Democratic ; for the Whigs seem to have repelled 
them, and driven them to vote ''en masse against 
the candidates of the Whig party." i For immi- 
gration had begun and had awakened the fears of 
many Americans. In the fourth decade of the 
century 538,381 emigrants, and in the fifth decade 
about three times that number, landed on our 
coast. 

The old competitor of the Democracy was in its 
turn girding itself for the race. There could be 
1 W. H. Seaward's Works, vol. iii. p. 387. 



208 LEWIS CASS 

no doubt wlio would be its leader. The victory 
of Harrison and Tyler in 1840 had proved but 
a defeat for the Whigs. Perhaps it was a just 
retribution upon a party which had contented itself 
with declamation and innuendo, and had drawn 
to itself all the vexed spirits and the homeless 
malcontents whose teeth had been set on edge by 
the personal government of Jackson or the panic 
of 1837. With one accord this conglomerate 
party, which disappointment had pressed into some 
degree of coherency, was decided this time upon 
the nomination of nobody of unknown principles. 
It was already shouting for "Harry of the West," 
who was the very impersonation of Whig doctrine 
and desire. When a party is unwilling to trust 
its fortunes and its principles to its true leader, 
and when in the hour of hope it deserts him on 
whom it relies in the hour of trial and despair, its 
fortunes are without real value and its principles 
of no worth. If one were to seek for the secret 
of the cohesion and the permanence of the Demo- 
cratic party he would find it largely in its devotion 
to its leaders and its faith in itself. 

There was another party, whose presence in the 
coming election was to have decisive influence, 
which remained unnoticed in the early days of 
this long campaign. Reference has already been 
made to the Liberty party, composed of voting 
abolitionists, who had determined upon reaching 
their ends by political means. Their insignificant 
vote in 1840 had not discouraged them, and they 



A DEMOCRATIC LEADER 209 

were again marshaling for the conflict with unsub- 
dued energy and enthusiasm. Northern opposi- 
tion to the "g-ag laws" had borne fruit in toler- 
ance for abolitionism. Adams and Giddings, on 
the floor of Congress, had fought a good fight, 
which had won the admiration of the people. The 
"old man eloquent" had lashed the slaveholders 
till they writhed in mingled anger and chagrin, 
and the new Ohio representative, censured by the 
House for presumptuous resolutions concerning 
slavery as a "municipal " and not an international 
institution, had resigned his seat, to be reelected 
by an overwhelming majority. These men were 
the prophets crying in the wilderness, making 
straight the way for final salvation from the curse 
of slavery. Adams was anticipating the creed of 
the Republican party by twenty years, devoted to 
the Union, opposed to the barbarism of the South, 
prophesying that slavery would be engulfed in the 
abyss if the Southern States, in the love of their 
sweet sin, should endeavor to separate themselves 
from the Union. Although neither of these men 
can be considered a member in good standing of 
the Liberty party as a political organization, they 
blazed the way for constitutional and legal opposi- 
tion. They attracted the attention of the thought- 
ful, and won the respect and sympathy of the 
generous. Yet Birney himself fiercely assaulted 
Adams in a letter to his party, and in the very 
district of the old hero cooperated with the Demo- 
crats to defeat him. It was one of the best in- 



210 LEWIS CASS 

stances of the way in which principle sometimes 
runs away with reason, and sense is smothered iu 
sentiment. 

Of the Tyler faction there is little to be said. 
With a great estimation of himself and his popu- 
larity in the country, the President seems actually 
to have anticipated the support of the people. He 
had turned his back on every Whig measure and 
read every Whig guide-post backward, until at 
the end of his administration he had passed by 
even ultra-Democracy, and was hand and glove 
with John C. Calhoun himself. A free use of the 
spoils of office had failed to create a party devoted 
to his interests, and in isolated self-sufficiency his 
complacency was fed by the flattery of a cunning 
"kitchen cabinet," which ruled him and moulded 
his whims to suit themselves. The people abso- 
lutely refused to dance to his piping, and his 
"great country party" proved but a sorry court 
party of officeholders and officeseekers and poli- 
tical pariahs. 

One question was coming ever more prominently 
before the country — should Texas be annexed? 
It will not do to go into the early history of the 
Lone Star Eepublic and show how it broke away 
from stagnant Mexico, how it was colonized by 
slave owners from the Southern States, who were 
intent from the first on gaining new fields and 
introducing their system, and by that element of 
our population which is always ready for excite- 
ment and peril. The annexation plan began in 



A DEMOCRATIC LEADER 211 

conspiracy ; it was carried along by the dark and 
devious machinery of sly diplomacy; it ended in 
a disgraceful war, waged under false pretenses, 
and brought by swaggering success to a shameful 
end. 

Tyler thrust the Texas question into the face of 
the country. Webster retired from the foreign 
office in May, 1843, and after a short interim, 
when the duties of the office were performed by 
Legare, Upshur was appointed, to be followed on 
his death by Calhoun. The appointment of the 
great advocate of slavery meant that annexation 
would be carried to a conclusion. The plan had 
for some time been cautiously whispered over in 
meetings of the President's intimates. Upshur 
had used a bullying tone to Mexico, and hints of 
affectionate consideration had been given to Texas. 
Calhoun, now at the head of a pro-slavery cabinet, 
and the adviser of a slaveholding president, bent 
his energies to obtain more territory where the 
industrial system of the South might have more 
room and full play. The annexation of Texas 
is the first great effort on the part of the slave 
States to get vantage ground for bond labor in its 
unequal wrestle with the labor of the North. Of 
course, vainglory and national j^ride clothed a 
loathsome plan with patriotism, and blinded the 
eyes of many people to its real intent. Immediate 
"re-annexation" was daily becoming more popu- 
lar as a campaign cry, and it soon became evident 
that it must be a determining quantity in the 



212 LEWIS CASS 

coming election. In spite of the fact that the 
idea had at first shocked and surprised the people, 
when they were allowed to look behind the cur- 
tain, they soon endured it, and at last embraced 
it. Every day the danger became more imminent 
that no candidate could expect Southern sympathy 
and support who was unwilling to adopt as his 
own this unjustifiable scheme. It did not appear 
to the whole North in its worst light, for there 
was a cry that England had her hand in the mess, 
and that if the United States was not on the watch 
the Lone Star would be added to the Union Jack. 
Such artful and revolting deception was enough to 
awaken the patriotism of the North, although the 
truth seems to be that all that England desired 
was to win Texas for abolition and liberty, — at 
the same time, however, probably desiring that no 
other power should profit by annexation. 

On the same day in April, 1844, two letters 
appeared opposing the acquisition of Texas. One 
was from Clay, who believed that he could recon- 
cile friends and foes.^ The other was from Van 
Buren, who entered into a full discussion of the 
matter from its beginning, and expressed his un- 
qualified dissent from annexation. Clay had not 
materially injured his chances, for the Whig party 
was never so strong in the South or so bedridden 
with slavery as was the Democratic ; but from the 
date of this letter Van Buren 's prestige began to 
decline. Hitherto he had bent the suppliant knee 

^ Coleman's Crittenden, p. 218. 



A DEMOCRATIC LEADER 213 

to the slavocracy ; but here was a breach of disci- 
pline not to be tolerated, and a search was begun 
for a candidate who could be relied on. Jackson 
had already written a letter in favor of annexation, 
in which he spoke of the necessity of having Texas 
for military reasons, and called up the horrors of 
a servile insurrection which might be engendered 
by a British army, if the territory did not fall to 
us. A second letter from Old Hickory, wrimg 
from him by Van Buren's friends, disclosed him 
clinging to both poles, — true to Van Buren and 
true to annexation, intimating that his past grand 
'protege had spoken in ignorance, and that all 
would be right when It came to the pinch. 

Cass was ready to throw himself into the breach. 
He had been urged by friends to embrace his op- 
portunity the moment that Van Buren declared 
against Texas. A letter written from Detroit, 
May 10, was decidedly for annexation. It was 
addressed to Hon. E. A. Hannegan, at Washing- 
ton. Its publication won for him support from 
the immediate annexationists. It struck the old 
key, and the only one which could awaken a sym- 
pathetic response in the North. Praising the "in- 
tuitive sagacity" of Jackson, and appealing to 
American fear and jealousy of English ambition, 
Cass put this question, shrewdly adapted to inspire 
the patriotism of the North and to excite the South 
to fury: "What more favorable position could be 
taken for the occupation of English black troops, 
and for letting them loose upon our Southern 



214 LEWIS CASS 

States than is afforded by Texas? " The end of 
this letter was worthy of the beginning: "Every 
day satisfies me more and more that a majority 
of the American people are in favor of annexation. 
Were they not, the measure ought not to be ef- 
fected. But as they are, the sooner it is effected 
the better. I do not touch the details of the ne- 
gotiation. That must be left to the responsibility 
of the government." ^ Vox ijopuli^ vox dei. Into 
how many slums and sloughs of wickedness did 
that absurd Democratic shibboleth summon the 
country ! There was to be no virtue in statesman- 
ship except in clairvoyant reading of the popular 
wiU. Obedience was the first and greatest com- 
mandment, and a regard for it allowed the politi- 
cian and self-seeker to pose as a ministering angel 
obeying the divine voice. 

Yet one who studies the career of Cass from 
the beginning will see elements of earnestness and 
sincerity in this letter, demagogic as it seems at 
first. It was another instance of his somewhat 
absurd yet natural antipathy to England. More- 
over, his practice had been from the beginning to 
respect and cherish the whims and fancies of the 
people ; his admiration for Jackson was not feigned. 
Had he opposed the annexation of Texas he might 
have had little chance of nomination in 1844, but 
his reputation for honesty and independence would 
be higher with this generation. It is nevertheless 
not fair to brand a man as a "doughface " because 
1 Niles, vol. Ixvi. p. 197. 



A DEMOCRATIC LEADER 215. 

he happens to be desirous of office and to advocate 
a plan of action to which thousands around him 
are attracted. Had he not been a candidate for 
honors in the Democratic convention, his wish 
for Texas would not seem strange to any one ; it 
would be entirely consistent with his vigorous 
American nature, with his broad Western enthu- 
siasm for "bigness " and empire. His later cham- 
pionship of our right to "all Oregon" has never 
been attributed to demagoguery and insincerity, 
nor could it be. The longing for territory is 
much the same, whether the land lies toward the 
equator or the pole. To call a man a "doughface " 
and a "Northern man with Southern principles," 
without attempting to show acts inconsistent with 
character, training, sectional influence, and pre- 
vious behavior; to denounce him as a hyj^ocrite 
without stating more than one fact from which to 
infer hypocrisy, is a practice more fitted to politi- 
cal harangues than to history. We are just recov- 
ering from the habit of talking as if every one 
who was not an abolitionist or directly in favor 
of the uprooting of slavery was morally weak, if 
not spiritually and mentally crooked. This con- 
demns nine out of ten men at the North in the 
fifth decade of the century. It gives no room 
even for the play of conservatism, for doubt, for 
mental inertia, for the feeling so common at the 
beginning of every great moral movement that 
the agitator is a senseless fanatic. 

After the appearance of Clay's letter, there was 



216 LEWIS CASS 

short time for discussion before the Whig conven- 
tion assembled at Baltimore. Of course Clay was 
nominated by acclamation; a very whirlwind of 
applause annoimced the beginning of a campaign 
with confidence and enthusiasm. Theodore Fre- 
linghuysen was nominated for vice-president. A 
ratification meeting, one of the greatest pageants 
in the history of electioneering pomps, was ad- 
dressed the next day by the orators of the party. 
Even Webster, leaving his dalliance with "Tyler- 
ism," found his way back into the old ranks, and 
thundered out his approbation of the work of 
the convention. There was no long and involved 
statement of principles. The name of Clay was 
enough. The convention was content with a short 
creed: "A tariff for revenue to defray the neces- 
sary expenses of the government, and discrimina- 
tion with special reference to the protection of the 
domestic labor of the coimtry ; the distribution of 
the proceeds of the sales of public lands ; a single 
term for the presidency; a reform of executive 
usurpations ; and generally such an administration 
of the affairs of the country as shall impart to 
every branch of the public service the greatest 
practicable efficiency, controlled by a well-regu- 
lated and wise economy." 

Upon the publication of Van Buren's letter op- 
posing annexation, the South looked around cau- 
tiously for another candidate on whom it could 
rely, and when the convention met Van Buren did 
not receive the full vote of a single slaveholding 



A DEMOCRATIC LEADER 217 

State except Missouri. Ciilhoun had witlulrawn. 
The South had fallen away to Cass and Johnson. 
Excejit to those who saw how set the wind, the 
nomination of Van Buren must have seemed pre- 
destined. State conventions in all parts of the 
Union had instructed their delegates to vote for 
him, and it was certain that he would have a 
majority on the first ballot. Mutterings and com- 
plaints, ominous of disaffection, were heard in the 
Southern States, and yet no one could have fore- 
seen that opposition to re-annexation had so under- 
mined him. This convention is an interesting 
one from more than one point of view. The North- 
ern wing of the Democratic party was clipped and 
crippled, as it was to be so many times in the 
future. The South, with definite purpose begot- 
ten of common material interest, won its way. 
This convention marks a differentiation between 
the Democracy, with its Southern proclivities, and 
the Whig party, which was hourly drifting farther 
from such moorings. The Democracy was going 
over to the South; the Whig party was getting 
entangled in the skein of "free soil and free men." 
In spite of the fact that the Van Buren men had 
a majority of the convention, and indeed because 
of that fact, a motion was adopted requiring that 
a vote of two thirds was necessary for a choice, 
a plan used in two previous conventions. That 
the motion could be carried amid much argument 
for its democracy and other absurd falsehoods, 
proves that delegates instructed to vote for Van 



218 LEWIS CASS 

Buren were ready to defeat him and to vote for 
Cass or any other available Texas candidate. But- 
ler of New York and others argued against the 
adoption of that rule, which has more than once 
muzzled a Democratic convention, but it was 
adopted by a vote of 148 to 118, almost every one 
of the Southern States voting solidly for the reso- 
lution. 

The convention met on May 27. The first bal- 
lot was taken on the afternoon of Tuesday, giving 
151 for Van Buren, 83 for Cass, 24 for Johnson, 
and scattering votes for other candidates. This 
showed a clear majority of 31 for Van Buren. 
Seven ballots were taken in succession. In the 
second Cass's vote increased to 94, aided especially 
by votes from the New England States. The 
seventh gave Van Buren 99, and Cass 123. Every 
ballot showed the Michigan man steadily gaining, 
and no other candidate holding his own. But 
after an ineffectual effort to have the two thirds 
rule rescinded, the convention adjourned until the 
next morning. During the night the wire-pullers 
set their machine in motion. Amid a great deal 
of confusion and display of iU-temper an eighth 
vote was taken, in which Cass fell to 114, and 
James K. Polk of Tennessee received 44. The 
trap had been sprung. A stampede, that well- 
known phenomenon of these latter days, was be- 
gun. The States swung slowly over to the new 
man, and before the ninth ballot was finished the 
convention was in an uproar. States changed 



A DEMOCRATIC LEADER 219 

their votes from Cass, and Polk was unanimously 
nominated. Cass had directed the delegates from 
Michigan to withdraw his name at any time in 
the interest of harmony. Texas annexation had 
won the day. The Democratic party, shorn of its 
manhood, was wooing the infamous policy of Tyler, 
Calhoun, and slavery extension. George M. Dallas 
of Pennsylvania was chosen for second place on the 
ticket, to mollify the protectionists of the home- 
market State. 

Polk was the first "dark horse" of the political 
race-course. "The nomination was a surprise and 
a marvel to the country." i Benton could find 
but two small occurrences which might have served 
as a warning of what was coming. These were 
well calculated to deceive the people, and the 
consequence was that the result of the convention 
bewildered the common voter. "Who the devil 
is Polk?" was an inquiry constantly made, fur- 
nishing the Whigs with unlimited glee. The idea 
of putting an unknown fledgeling against their 
peerless Clay seemed ridiculous, and Whig success 
from the outset was believed to be assured. The 
convention is an early example of the efficiency of 
such a tool in the hands of the skillful politician, 
who has room for his work from the primary cau- 
cus up to the final nomination. 

Had Cass been nominated, inasmuch as he was 
pledged for annexation, he would without doubt 
have been elected, and the canvass would have 

1 Benton's Thirty Tears' View, vol. ii. p. 594. 



220 LEWIS CASS 

been a fair combat with equal weapons; but as 
Polk was nominated by underhand methods, and 
against the wishes of the bulk of the party, so 
the campaign was one of falsehood and intrigue. 
The Democrats were at first capable only of sad 
jollity in the presence of the excitement and confi- 
dence of the Whigs, but as the months went on 
this unknown chieftain aroused unexpected enthu- 
siasm, and it became apparent that Polk, with 
the added cubit of annexation, was not the pigmy 
which he had been first considered by his super- 
cilious opponents. "Polk, Dallas, and the Tariff 
of 1842" was a mighty battle-cry. Never has 
there been anything more shameful in political 
warfare than the brazen charge in the North that 
Polk was more friendly to the tariff than was 
Henry Clay himself. With magnificent effrontery 
the Whigs were dared to repeal their pet tariff. 
But Texas, not the tariff, was the question of the 
campaign, and had Clay been guided to the end 
by his earlier and better motives, he might have 
won the day. Texas was destined to be an Ameri- 
can State, — its annexation meant more territory 
for slavery; and it can hardly be claimed that 
Clay seriously objected because such would have 
been the result of its acquisition. Nevertheless, 
had the Whigs been victorious, the Mexican war 
might have been averted; Texas perhaps might 



have been secured without a shameless disregard i «( 



&' 



of constitutional law and common national cour- 
tesy. 



k^ 



A DEMOCRATIC LEADER 221 

Clay, however, was uneasy. Trustful in his 
own tact and his knowledge of the popular feel- 
ings, his ready pen flowed smoothly on in letter 
after letter, until at last appeared his famous 
Alabama letter: "Far from having any personal 
objection to the annexation of Texas, I should be 
glad to see it annexed without dishonor, without 
war, with the common consent of the Union, and 
upon just and fair terms." The letters, written 
to win Southern voters, did not win them, but 
simply weakened his support at the North. For 
the Liberty party was again in the field, with 
Birney at its head for the second time, and the 
"Alabama letter " was an efficient weapon in many 
of the Northern States. In the North Clay was 
attacked as a friend to annexation, and in the 
South as a foe to it. One Whig afterwards wit- 
tily remarked that "the only qualification he should 
ask of a candidate in the future woidd be that he 
could neither read nor write." ^ It has been posi- 
tively asserted recently that Birney 's vote was 
greatly decreased by the "Garland forgery," con- 
cocted by the Whig central committee of Michi- 
gan ; 2 but without doubt Clay's letter added more 
to the Liberty vote than was lost by any other 
means. How deeply that shaft struck home is 
apparent in reading the autobiography of Thurlow 
Weed, where he exposes the inmost recesses of 

^ Quoted in Schooler's History of the United States, vol. iv. p. 
478. 

2 James G. Birney and His Times, p. 354. 



222 LEWIS CASS 

his political soul; he sighs and mourns over that 
fatal blunder years after it had dealt its destruc- 
tion. The vote of the Liberty party was greater 
in New York than the Democratic majority, and 
if they had united against Polk and annexation, 
Clay, who represented the better elements of the 
political life of the time, would have been elected. 
Birney's home was now in Michigan, and here, 
too, his party held the balance of power. It was 
ominous. The free Northwest was becoming im- 
bued with the abolition feeling. Cass's own State 
was drifting away from pro-slavery Democracy. 
It will be seen later how his fortunes were influ- 
enced by the growth of this sentiment. "The 
abolitionists deserve to be damned, and they will 
be," was a usual expression of a common feeling. 
But only four years later the Whigs of the North- 
west were dangerously near the principles of the 
party so forcibly condemned in 1844. 

Cass took an active part in the campaign, not 
traveling over the whole coimtry to speak for Polk 
and Texas, but using his influence steadily for the 
ticket, and not sulking in his tent because of his 
own failure. A grand Democratic mass meeting 
at Nashville, where Polk himself was present, was 
one of the monster meetings so frequent during 
that summer when men, dropping ordinary pur- 
suits, gave themselves up to the joyful excitement 
so dear to the politics-loving people of the coun- 
try. Cass was one of the orators of the occasion, 
and on his way back to Detroit addressed "im- 



A DEMOCRATIC LEADER 223 

mense multitudes " at various places in Ohio and 
Indiana on the issues of the campaign. All au- 
diences were then "huge concourses" or "immense 
multitudes," if we are to believe the head-lines of 
the times ; and without doubt the Northwest was 
alive and interested. Cass returned to Detroit, 
prophesying that the Northwest would give its 
suffrages for the Democratic ticket. All but Ohio 
answered his expectations, and in that State Clay- 
received about 20,000 less votes than Harrison 
had received four years before. The Northwest, 
in spite of the fact that it had begun to lean to- 
ward free soil, was evidently still clinging to the 
idol of its youth. If Cass was in favor of annexa- 
tion so was his section, so were his friends and 
companions in business and jjolitics. This is not 
complete justification. A statesman should be a 
leader, and should create sound public sentiment. 
But we must remember that a belief in the sacred- 
ness of popular clamor was a living faith with the 
true Democratic statesman of that time ; we must 
remember that Cass was a Western man, and filled 
with the Western spirit; national grandeur and 
boldness in action, so much admired by the Wes- 
tern settler, had their charms for him. It is just 
to take into account atmosphere and environment. 
The "dark horse " and his black policy, sped by 
fraud and political trickery, won the day. The 
nation seemed hushed and dumbfounded at its 
own act. There was little rejoicing among the 
successful, and no glorification; for many had 



224 LEWIS CASS 

voted for Polk only in reluctant obedience to the 
party whip. "It is hardly possible at this day," 
says an observer, "to conceive the distress which 
pervaded the city of Philadelphia the night follow- 
ing the news, and for many days after. It was 
as if the firstborn of every family had been stricken 
down. The city next day was clothed in gloom; 
thousands of women were weeping, but none ex- 
ulting." ^ The election of Polk meant the imme- 
diate annexation of Texas, war with Mexico, the 
consequent purchase of California, Nevada, and 
Arizona; it meant that the golden sands of that 
western wilderness would be sifted and its quartz 
crushed, that a magnificent city of American in- 
dustry and American liberty would stretch itself 
along the windy heights within the Golden Gate; 
it meant that American civilization was to pene- 
trate into the nooks and corners of a country which 
might not have given its blessings to the world for 
centuries if held by the nerveless hand of Mexico. 
But one is led to query whether wealth and na- 
tional grandeur are fairly purchased by dishonor. 
Even before the great apostle of annexation reached 
the presidential chair, Tyler and Calhoun had 
made the last proposition, and only the finishing 
touches were needed to bring Texas within the 
fold. 

^ Sargent, Public Men and Events, vol. ii. p. 250. 



CHAPTER VIII 

SENATOR. — CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY. — 
SQUATTER SOVEREIGNTY 

On February 4, 1845, Cass was elected to the 
United States Senate from Michigan, and he was 
present at the special session in March. He was 
appointed to the second place on the Committee 
on Foreign Relations, and during the remainder 
of his public life was greatly interested in matters 
of international concern. He at once took a promi- 
nent and influential position, and was recognized 
as one of the leaders of the Senate. His speeches 
were often too learned and too long to be convin- 
cing; his cumbersome sentences were not always 
enlivening; but when he rose to speak on a sub- 
ject in which he was much interested he was always 
impressive. His large figure, his finely shaped 
head, his firm mouth, and intelligent features be- 
spoke earnestness, thoughtfulness, and intellectual 
integrity. Through the rest of his life he was 
the great champion of Americanism and national 
honor; and though his continual guardianship of 
our country sometimes caused a laugh at his ex- 
pense in the few merry days which the Senate 
enjoyed during these troublous times, his true 



226 LEWIS CASS 

patriotic fervor and his serious appreciation of 
our needs and our dangers won respect, while his 
courteous demeanor and his frank friendliness, 
which knew not jealousy or envy, endeared him to 
political foes, and disarmed factious opposition. 

The Democratic convention of the preceding 
campaign had mollified Northern resentment by 
coupling the "re -occupation" of Oregon with the 
"re-annexation" of Texas. Care for Oregon had 
long been a favorite Northwestern policy, and no 
doubt the proclamation of these unexpected bans 
by the Democratic party contributed largely to 
its success in that portion of the country. Cass 
entered the Senate bent on re-occupation, filled as 
usual with the aggressive, hastening spirit of his 
ambitious section. Polk, in his inaugural, had 
declared the undoubted right of the United States 
to the whole of Oregon, and now the country rang 
with another artful alliteration, which was intended 
to drown all feeble appeals to sense. Russia had 
receded into the rains of Alaska north of 54° 40', 
and America now claimed all the country interven- 
ing between the northern boundary of California, 
then Mexican territory, and the southern line of 
the Eussian possessions. "Fifty -four forty or 
fight! " was well calculated to tickle the brains of 
the thoughtless and to arouse the ambition of the 
West. There has always been an uneasy element 
in our country preferring the adventure of new 
settlement to the restriction and comfort of exist- 
ence in older communities. The rough Northwest 



SENATOR 227 

was already getting too crowded for these restless 
spirits. People started in long caravans on their 
tiresome journey over the dry and dreary plains of 
the West in search of new homes on the Columbia 
River, encouraged by the burning hope of the 
adventurer and by patriotic devotion, fully per- 
suaded of a duty to wrest Oregon, as well as 
Texas, from the clutch of England. 

But Polk was only half-hearted. Texas was 
made ours, and afterward Oregon seemed not of 
so much consequence to him. Buchanan, the new 
secretary of state, offered to accept the line of 
49°, which already bounded our possessions as far 
as the Rocky Mountains. The proposition was 
immediately rejected by the British minister ; and 
our government, piqued at the refusal of a fair 
compromise, presented claims to the whole region. 
Such was the state of affairs when Congress as- 
sembled in December, 1845. Although a new 
member, Cass was not a stranger to national af- 
fairs, and the Oregon matter came near to North- 
western feeling and appealed peculiarly to personal 
prejudices. On December 9 he introduced a reso- 
lution on the defenses of the country, and a few 
days later supported it in an able speech, in which 
he held up the spectre of war, and insisted that 
nothing but sensible precautions would avoid armed 
collision with Great Britain. This was the begin- 
ning of the "exciting and at times inflammatory 
debates on the Oregon question, which lasted, 
with intervals, for months."^ In January he 
1 Sargent, Public Men and Events, vol. ii. p. 271. 



228 LEWIS CASS 

delivered a long and eloquent address on European 
interference in American affairs, and until the 
determination of the controversy he was the leader 
of the "fifty-four forties" in the Senate. His 
continual reference to an "inevitable" war came 
to be a source of amusement to the senators; but 
in the midst of all the heat and anger of a discus- 
sion, which almost equaled in acerbity the fiercest 
debates on the slavery question, Cass never forgot 
his courtesy or lowered his dignity by personal 
abuse. The good humor of his intense earnestness 
is illustrated by the story of his rising to speak 
with the statement that he was not going to make 
a war speech nor use the word "inevitable." He 
had not proceeded far, however, before the use 
of the familiar word put the House into roars of 
laughter at his expense, in which he joined as 
heartily as any.^ It was during these debates that 
Crittenden castigated Allen of Ohio so severely 
for his superciliousness and invective, and that 
Hannegan of Indiana made use of an expression 
often appropriated since in political screeds: if 
Polk, he said, had, during election, advocated the 
occupation of Oregon for mere buncombe and 
claptrap, he would be doomed "to an infatny so 
profound, a damnation so deep, that the hand of 
resurrection will never be able to drag him forth." ^ 
It is impossible to go into the whole discussion 

1 Sargent, Public Men and Events, vol. ii. p. 273. Newspaper 
clippings in private papers of Cass. 
* Benton, vol. ii. p. 665. 



SENATOR 229 

of the Oregon question. Such controversies, which 
find their origin and arguments in the diplomacy 
of long-past days, or in the uncertainties of dis- 
covery and exploration, can be ended by compro- 
mise alone, unless the stern hand of war interferes. 
America had a color of title to the territory as far 
as the possessions of Russia; but that is about all 
that can be said of it. Claims were traced back 
to the early Spanish discoveries on the one hand, 
and to the voyage of the buccaneer Drake on the 
other. For Spain by the treaty of 1819 had ceded 
all her claims to the United States. In spite, 
therefore, of a number of long orations from Cass, 
who showed a depth of historical knowledge and 
a power of arrangement and argument which made 
him the equal of Webster and of Benton in these 
debates, the controversy ended in compromise. 
Seldom does a senator in his first session step 
forward into leadership); but Cass seemed in a 
moment to be at home, and was recognized imme- 
diately as chief opponent or ally. He was of 
course struggling to keep himself so before the 
public that his nomination in 1848 might be cer- 
tain. His speeches were carefully printed, and 
a judicious circulation of them kept him prominent 
as the patriotic champion of American privileges. 
Although attached to party, he absolutely refused 
to be identified with the administration on this 
issue. It was a movement of his own. He could 
count on the sympathy of the West, at least, and 
upon the common jealousy of England ; and in so 



230 LEWIS CASS 

far as the Oregon question assumed serious form, 
or in so far as threats and precautionary prepara- 
tions for hostility brought England to less arro- 
gant consideration of the case, the credit is largely 
due to Cass. 

England was not pleased at all this. The Presi- 
dent, in a special message in March, advised an 
increase of the army and navy. On the receipt 
in London of the news that the House had passed 
a joint resolution to give the one year notice for 
terminating the joint occupancy of Oregon, stocks 
fell one per cent, and consols more than two per 
cent.^ Both countries, however, soon softened 
down for amicable settlement. The forty-ninth 
parallel was taken as the boundary as far west as 
its intersection with the channel "which separates 
the continent from Vancouver's Island." Cass 
and thirteen other extremists voted against ratifi- 
cation in vain. Compromise was sensible; but 
had it not been for the "bluff" of the "fifty-four 
forties" a fair bargain would have been reached 
only with difficulty, if at all. Had every one 
been as ready to renounce all claims as were Web- 
ster and others from the beginning, the outcome 
would have been doubtful. 

Even more serious matters were holding the 
attention of the President and the country. The 
annexation of Texas had not driven Mexico to 
immediate war, but every day made hostilities 
more certain. Slowly and craftily Polk proceeded 
1 Niles, vol. Ixx. p. 65. 



SENATOR 231 

to win tlie coveted prize of California, to bully 
and to bribe until poor Mexico should satisfy the 
unjust ambition of a people who boasted of their 
liberty and enlightenment. The events of Polk's 
administration show us how slavery had poisoned 
the whole national system. After failure in secret 
negotiations, which relied on a craven and abject 
spirit in the Mexicans, General Taylor was ordered 
to occupy the territory between the Nueces and 
the Rio Grande, a portion of Mexico to which 
Texas had not the slightest claim, except a paper 
one unsupported by successful adverse occupation. 
His position threatened Matamoras. An engage- 
ment ensued. The President proclaimed that Amer- 
ican blood had been spiUed on American soil, and 
Congress declared that war existed by act of 
Mexico. 

The legislation which carried on this war, begun 
with these specious falsehoods, cannot here be re- 
viewed; but in these Democratic straits Cass came 
forward once more as the champion of national 
rights, and was the main stay of the President 
and his party. The Machiavellian methods of 
the administration have been fully made known 
only recently, and we cannot charge that every 
supporter of the war countenanced the whole pro- 
cedure, and was particeps criminis to the whole 
extent of the crime. Cass's speech on the Ten 
Regiment Bill was good campaign powder. Not 
that his defense of the measure was disingenuous 
or insincere; for no one can say that when once 



232 LEWIS CASS 

the war was begun it ought not to have been car- 
ried on effectually. The conduct of Cass as a 
Democrat is open to little criticism at this junc- 
ture; and possibly it would not be fair to expect 
him to see so clearly as those Whigs whose party 
interests made their very prejudices incline towards 
the right course, or as the younger men of the 
North, who were growing restive under the saddle 
and bridle of slavocratic masters. 

Considerable space has been given to Texas and 
the piratical assault on Mexico because the most 
prominent fact of the later career of Cass is con- 
nected with this acquisition of new territory. On 
August 8, 1846, a resolution was offered in the 
House to appropriate $2,000,000 "for the purpose 
of defraying any extraordinary expenses which 
may be incurred in the intercourse between the 
United States and foreign nations." This signified 
that land was to be acquired from Mexico by pur- 
chase, and in the course of the discussion David 
Wilmot, a representative from Pennsylvania, of- 
fered an amendment providing that the funda- 
mental condition to the acquisition of any territory 
from Mexico should be that slavery should never 
exist in any portion of it. The bill with the 
amendment was passed by the House. But in the 
confusion at the end of the session it was talked 
to death in the Senate by Senator Davis of Massa- 
chusetts, who was effusively defending the proviso 
when Congress adjourned until the next session. 
Immediately after the adjournment of the Senate 



SENATOR 233 

Cass said that he was sorry that the proviso had 
been lost. His later acts were inconsistent with 
the inference drawn from this remark, and great 
political capital was manufactured in consequence. 
At the next session of Congress, 1847, the pro- 
viso came up again as a rider to the appropriation 
by the House of -13,000,000 for the purposes men- 
tioned before. But the Senate would not be thus 
circumvented, and forced the House to agree to 
the appropriation, riderless. During the session 
Cass spoke often on the general proposition of 
voting money to the government. On March 1, 
1847, he came out directly in opposition to the 
proviso. His reasons were six: 1. The present 
was not the time to introduce a sectional topic. 

2. It would be quite in season to provide for the 
government of a Territory after it was obtained. 

3. Any such proviso expressed too much confi- 
dence in the outcome of the war. 4. Legislation 
at that time would be inoperative, and not binding 
on succeeding Congresses. 5. The adoption of 
the proviso might bring the war to an untimely 
issue. 6. It would j^revent the acquisition of a 
single foot of territory, and thus disappoint a vast 
majority of the American people. He attempted to 
show by a course of very hollow reasoning that 
the Northern legislatures which had passed resolu- 
tions deprecating the spread of slavery would not 
be satisfied by the adoption of the proviso. Ver- 
mont, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, New York, 
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Michigan 



234 LEWIS CASS 

had already passed such measures. The Demo- 
cratic legislature of Cass's own State had advo- 
cated the extension of the Ordinance of 1787 over 
any new territory acquired. 

This speech is the beginning of another chapter 
in the career of Cass. He had been the leader 
and the prophet of his State and the Northwest. 
/"' His political life from this time on illustrates 
/ Northwestern development from the reverse side. 
His energetic constituents, breathing the free air 
of the West, their eyes open to national needs and 
to the immorality of slavery, however much it 
might be supported by constitutional props, have 
now outstripped their leader, and erelong he will 
i be looked upon as the representative of their past 
\ beliefs and their bygone acquiescence in a corrod- 
ing sin. This is the true interpretation of Cass's 
political life. This is what makes him the best 
centre from which to study the development of 
the Northwest as a portion of the nation. The 
great movement against slavery, it must be re- 
membered, came from new men. The old states- 
men, who had grown used to the pollution, were 
unable to take a stand in opposition ; not Webster 
or Cass, but Seward and Lincoln and Chase put 
the proper estimate upon the institution. Yet the 
remarks of Senator Miller, after Cass's objection 
to the proviso, are worth recording: "He was 
connected in many honorable ways, in war and in 
peace, with the history of the Northwest, and he 
is now one of its brightest ornaments, command' 



SENATOR 235 

ing a position so Ligli and so influential, it was 
hoped, nay expected by all the free North, that 
he would on this occasion have given aU the talent 
and influence within his control to extend and 
secure to other Territories that great ordinance of 
free labor, the practical advantages of which, so- 
cial and political, he was so fully aware [of], and 
no doubt highly appreciated."^ 

As the campaign of 1848 approached, it became 
apparent that Cass was to be the favorite of the 
Democratic party. His views on various subjects 
were in consequence sought with care, and in the 
course of the catechism he promulgated a doctrine 
which furnished material for discussion until de- 
bate was silenced by the more eloquent bombard- 
ment of Sumter. This was the doctrine of popular 
sovereignty in the Territories. It was first fairly 
announced by Cass; he first introduced it as an 
active principle in the political life of the time; 
he first marshaled arguments in its defense. It 
will not do to say that he created it. No great 
thought influencing the career of a free nation is 
begotten in the brain of a single man, to spring 
into existence at once endowed with full vigor. 
Senator Dickinson of New York had already sug- 
gested the idea. But Cass took the wandering, 
tentative suggestions of statesmen and people, and 
combined them and arranged them in a clear, suc- 
cinct statement of a great political principle. He 
first struck the clear note, for which others had 
1 Congressional Record, vol. xvii. p. 551. 



236 LEWIS CASS 

been unconsciously or furtively feeling. In that 
sense he was the author of the doctrine of which 
Stephen A. Douglas afterwards became godfather 
and fiercest defender. So intimately did the later 
debates between Douglas and Lincoln associate 
this theory with the name of the former, that an 
explicit statement of its true origin is needed here. 
The "Little Giant," a ready and active debater 
in years when Cass was beginning to feel the 
burdens of age, leveled his lance in agile defense 
of this proposition so often and so valiantly, that 
to him has been attributed a paternity to which 
he has no right. 

In answer to queries from Mr. A. O. P. Nich- 
olson of Nashville, Tennessee, Cass wrote a letter, 
December 24, 1847, which was the first embodi- 
ment of the doctrine of "squatter sovereignty." 
The Wilmot proviso, he said, had been long before 
the people, and he was impressed with the belief 
that a change had been going on in the public 
mind, and in his own as well as in the minds 
of others; doubts were resolving themselves into 
convictions that the principle involved should be 
kept out of the national legislature. He went 
on to argue that the central government did not 
have the authority to govern the Territories under 
those provisions of the Constitution which grant 
"the power to dispose of and make all needful 
rules and regulations respecting the territory and 
other property belonging to the United States;" 
that the lives and possessions of citizens could not 



SENATOR 237 

be controlled by an authority which was merely 
"called into existence for the purpose of making 
rules and regulations for the disposition and man- 
agement of property." "If the relation of master 
and servant may be regulated or annihilated . . . 
so may the relation of husband and wife, of parent 
and child, and of any other condition which our 
institutions and the habits of our society recog- 
nize." The internal concerns of the Territories 
ought, he maintained, to be regulated by the peo- 
ple inhabiting them, without molestation or direc- 
tion from Congress. "They are just as capable 
of doing so as the people of the States; and they 
can do so at any rate as soon as their political 
independence is recognized by their admission into 
the Union." Even if the central government could 
interfere with the internal affairs of the Territories, 
a proposition which he denied, it would be inexpe- 
dient to exercise a doubtful and invidious authority 
that statehood would soon brush away. 

The Ordinance of 1787, under which Cass had 
acted as governor, and which bestows upon the 
appointees of the central government almost de- 
spotic power, did not furnish good material for his 
arguments. But he succeeded in presenting with 
great ability his belief that the Territories ought 
to decide for themselves whether or not slavery 
should exist within their limits. It was not such 
an easy task as it might seem at first to prove the 
unreasonableness of this doctrine. It was after- 
wards so ably defended as to win the favor of the 



238 LEWIS CASS 

Northern Democracy until the outbreak of the 
war. Nevertheless, the author of a principle which 
half the North accepted has, without fact or testi- 
mony, been charged with selfish insincerity in its 
inception and advocacy. We can judge of animus 
and motive only from acts. The rest of the life 
and conduct of Cass furnish no evidence to sustain 
the charge of inconsistency or insincerity in the 
Nicholson letter. While governor he had encour- 
aged popular participation in the affairs of the 
Territory, had aided and promoted local self-gov- 
ernment, had obeyed the wishes of the people with- 
out regard to his own official right of appointment, 
and had yielded other high prerogatives. His 
Democracy was orthodox, and his practice cannot 
be shown to have varied from his fundamental 
theory. His article on the removal of the Indians, 
published twenty years before this, contains an 
exact parity of reasoning. Moreover, if in draft- 
ing this letter he was hollow and insincere, hoping 
by dodging an issue to win Southern support with- 
out losing Northern favor, the same indictment 
must be brought against many others in whom 
the people of Michigan have had the utmost con- 
fidence. He was warned by the most influential 
of his colleagues from his State of the danger of 
writing letters, but when this letter was shown 
them before its publication they accepted its prin- 
ciples.^ From the information I have been able 

1 Conversation with (Jovernor Alpheus Felch, senator from 
Michigan, 1847. 



SENATOR 239 

to obtain by conversation with those who were 
intimate with General Cass at the time, I have 
been induced to draw the conchision that his Nich- 
olson letter was a frank statement of his conscien- 
tious belief, not an avoidance of a dreaded issue 
nor an attempt to devise new interpretations. ^ 

Within three years after the appearance of 
Cass's letter four distinct solutions of the prob- 
lems arising from the acquisition of new territory 
were presented and found their advocates: first, 
the principle of the Wilmot proviso : that slavery 
should be entirely excluded; second, the doctrine 
of Calhoun: that slaves were property, and that 
it was the bounden duty of Congress to protect 
the rights of the Southerner to his slaves within 
territory of the United States, just as the law 
protected property in sheep and oxen; third, that 
the line of 36° 30', extended to the Pacific, would 
be an equitable division; fourth, that the people 
of the Territories ought to be allowed to decide the 
question for themselves. This last was nicely 
calculated to take its skillful way between the two 
extremes. It is not unreasonable to think that 
Cass hoped and believed that popular sovereignty 
would show the advantage of freedom over slavery, 
and that the Territories would be won naturally 
for and by free labor. Thus his action is inter- 
preted by men who were his political opponents 
at the time.2 In February, 1848, the treaty of 

1 See, also, Judge Cooley's Michigan, p. 205. 
^ Private correspondence with the author. 



240 LEWIS CASS 

Guadalupe Hidalgo added to the United States 
a half million of square miles. Whether or not 
this territory, stretching away from the western 
boundary of Texas to the Pacific, was to be inun- 
dated by the black tide of slavery or consecrated 
to freedom, was the question which awakened the 
people of the country; and all the hushing cries 
of the conservatives, who cried down and frowned 
down "agitation," could not lull the men of the 
North to sleep. 

Cass received from various quarters recommen- 
dations and nominations for the presidency in 1848. 
His only serious competitor was Buchanan, and 
when Pennsylvania announced in convention that 
Cass was her second choice, the people of the 
country saw that she had practically given way 
before the popular demands for the Northwestern 
candidate. But the party was not without its 
schisms. New York was torn by conflicting fac- 
tions, separated largely on personal issues. The 
fond personal attachment for Van Buren, which 
argues more strongly than words that he was not 
all a political juggler, held many old stalwarts 
of the party in faithful adherence to him. His 
rejection by the convention of 1844 because of 
his opposition to annexation had won a semi-trust- 
ful respect from the haters of slavery who were 
not of his party, and had kindled an unexpected 
spark in the hearts of his old friends, who had 
seen no wrong in human bondage till their chief 
was repudiated by the slave owners. Silas Wright, 



CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY 241 

a Van Buren Democrat, had accepted the nomina- 
tion for governor in 1844, and his name was in- 
voked in behalf of Polk and the straight ticket. 
In spite of this, the "wheelhorses" of the party- 
were not rewarded for their labors; after some 
offers to give what the Van Buren faction did not 
want, the spoils were turned over to the other 
faction by the President, who was thrown into an 
agony of jealousy when it was asserted that Wright 
had elected him. Hunger for office, therefore, 
and disappointment put the disaffected ever more 
at variance with the orthodox Democrats who sup- 
ported the administration. The supporters of 
Wright and Van Buren were sneered at as " Barn- 
burners," a name borrowed from the recent dis- 
turbances in Rhode Island, where the defeated 
Dorrites, it was alleged, had sought revenge by- 
burning the barns of the law-and-order party. ^ 
Their tampering with anti-slavery suggested that 
the name was an allusion to an "anti-Radical 
story of a thick-skulled Dutchman who had burnt 
his barn to clear it of rats and mice."^ Marcy's 
faction, representing the conservative men of the 
party, who were ready to abide by the pro-slavery 
acts of the administration, were dubbed "Old 
Hunkers," the name referring to their "hanker- 
ing " for office, or perhaps simply to their heavy, 
plodding conservatism in matters of state policy. 
As the slavery question came more prominently 

1 Autobiography of Thurlow Weed, vol. i. p. 534. 

2 Whig Almanac^ 18-49, p. 11. 



242 LEWIS CASS 

before the country, the Barnburners and the Whigs 
in New York cooperated to discountenance slavery 
extension, and the two factions of the Democracy 
became more widely separated. Many, of course, 
were not so much friends of freedom as foes to 
those who had disappointed their own fond hopes 
for their chief ; and longings for revenge were at 
the bottom of many of their aspirations for free 
soil. Such persons ultimately dropped back into 
the pro-slavery, non-interference wing of the party, 
so soon as personal disputes again gave place to 
vital political principles. A moral reform gets 
no real life blood from pique. 

After the Democratic convention of Syracuse, 
September, 1847, the warring cliques were so 
widely separated by questions of policy, as well 
as by jealousy, that they can scarcely be consid- 
ered portions of one party. At that time a reso- 
lution was offered on the part of the Barnburners, 
declaring "uncompromising hostility" to the ex- 
tension of slavery into the Territories then free. 
The refusal of the convention, which was plainly 
in the hands of the Hunkers, to accept this caused 
the secession of their opponents, who thereupon 
organized for themselves, and prepared to contest 
the seats of the delegates chosen for the national 
Democratic convention. The Van Buren men an- 
nounced the severance of all bonds which would 
bind them to vote for a presidential candidate who 
was pledged against the Wilmot proviso. Thus 
the fall elections of 1847 in New York showed how 



CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY 243 

utterly demoralized the party was in that State; 
the Whigs elected their ticket by over thirty thou- 
sand majority, and unless these grievous wounds 
could be healed there was little hope for the can- 
didates presented by the Baltimore convention. 

But the healing art is quite beyond the intelli- 
gence of a popular gathering, and when the na- 
tional convention met, in May, 1848, it attempted 
a simple cure by offering to admit both factions 
to active participation in its proceedings. The 
committee on credentials first tried to bind both 
delegations to abide by the decision of the conven- 
tion. This the Barnburners refused to consent 
to, and in consequence New York had no further 
share in the proceedings. Cass was nominated 
on the fourth ballot. General William O. Butler 
of Tennessee was presented for vice-president. 
These nominations were received with satisfaction 
by the party. Independent newspapers acknow- 
ledged the upright character and ability of Gen- 
eral Cass, and prophesied his election unless the 
Whigs should present a man who possessed the 
popular confidence and respect. Success was, 
however, far from certain. The Hunkers acqui- 
esced quite readily, and were thus fairly installed 
as the "regular" Democratic party of New York. 
But the Barnburners were now more fierce than 
ever, for the Van Buren men had never forgiven 
Cass for his candidacy in 1844; and, moreover, 
he now stood out conspicuously as the opponent 
of the Wilmot proviso. Those who were Free- 



244 LEWIS CASS 

Soilers for personal considerations, as well as those 
who had conscientious scruples, were held by this 
nomination in political affinity. 

The Baltimore convention handled the slavery 
question with that masterly caution which was to 
characterize its action until the Rebellion. The 
Southern wing must be kept true to its work by 
statements which were also shrewdly calculated 
not to turn away Northern adherents. From this 
time forward the regular programme was to depre- 
cate discussion, and to beseech the people of the 
North to rest in security on the bosom of the Con- 
stitution. A platform of platitudes declared that 
Congress had no authority to interfere v/ith slavery 
in the States, — a very safe proposition, — and 
then condemned all efforts to induce it to interfere 
with questions of slavery, or to take "incipient 
steps thereto." Yancey of Alabama offered a reso- 
lution so cleverly worded that Benton himself 
seems to have misunderstood the meaning of its 
rejection: "The doctrine of non-interference with 
the rights of property of any portion of this con- 
federation, be it in the States or in the Territories, 
by any other than the parties interested in them, 
is the true republican doctrine recognized by this 
body." This article of faith was rejected by a 
vote of 246 against 36. The non-interference ad- 
vocated by Yancey was apparently the absolute 
"non-interference" of Calhoun. The refusal of 
the convention to accept the resolution may have 
come merely from a wish not to publish its senti- 



CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY 245 

ments ; but, on the other hand, it may have been 
a tacit declaration of a belief in the right of States 
and Territories to "interfere" and to settle the 
question of slavery within their limits, which was 
the Cass doctrine of popular sovereignty. 

Upon receiving the news of his nomination, 
General Cass wrote a brief letter of acceptance, 
acquiescing in the platform of the convention. 
He stated his determination, if elected, not to be 
a candidate for reelection, a pledge that seems to 
have had a certain popularity in those days. He 
believed that the real difference between the two 
great parties was the difference between Hamilton- 
ism and Jeffersonism. With a "sacred regard to 
' the principles and compromises of the Constitu- 
tion,' " he earnestly desired their maintenance "in 
a sjjirit of moderation and brotherly love so vitally 
essential to the perpetuity of the Union." He at 
once resigned his seat in the Senate as inconsistent 
with his presidential candidacy, and prepared for 
the active work of the campaign. 

The Whig party had no principle it dared to 
avow. It had been so long toying with its better 
self that a serious regard for its own high aims 
seemed lost in the frivolity of the excited hunt for 
office. At the best the party was moribund; but 
it was determined now upon one frantic effort for 
success; for the dragon of Democracy seemed to 
sit as perpetual guardian of the golden apples of 
the public patronage. Yet its course for the past 
few years had been its greatest. Its leaders had 



246 LEWIS CASS 

constantly objected to the crimes of "Polk the 
Mendacious;" and had it now dared to utter the 
thought which arose in it, a new lease of life would 
have been given to it; nay, more, the very foun- 
tain of youth was at its lips, offering a vigor which 
it had never yet possessed in the vital elixir of a 
great moral principle. Clay, still at the head of 
the party, held the deep affection of its members. 
His many defeats, however, had tempered their 
admiration with discretion, and though he was 
hopeful and bright under the lengthening shadows 
of age, and felt his heart beat as quickly at the 
prospect of success as it had done twenty years 
before, even some of his personal friends and de- 
votees searched for some one who would win more 
votes anjJ' appeal to the people with the enthusiasm 
of novelty. Webster never had any chance for 
nomination to the presidency, as indeed no New 
England man of principle and vigor could have. 
Scott had won his spurs in the war of 1812, and 
had since that time been kept before the people 
because of his military position. The Mexican 
war gave him opportunities to attract attention, 
but he was from the first overshadowed by Taylor, 
whose rough energy had caught the popular fancy, 
ever ready to clothe with heroic ornaments and 
to endow with heroic spirit the image of its own 
worshiped self. Such has been the history of 
the Democratic spirit. Not even Jefferson, who 
taught and led, became the perfect popular hero ; 
but Jackson, who certainly did not pose above the 



CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY 247 

people to influence or instruct them, became the 
one real dictator whom the country has had. Tay- 
lor, therefore, from the first was sure of strong 
support in opposition to the other three possible 
candidates, if he could be brought before the peo- 
ple with adroitness, and could be shown in poli- 
tics, as well as in war, to be possessed of a rough, 
hearty devotion to his country's interests. lie 
must, of course, have slight predilections to Whio-- 
gery to keep the party in countenance. But the 
country was for the moment weary of this ceaseless 
conflict of old party principles, of questions about 
national banks and internal improvements; the 
Whigs desired above all to shun any true issue 
brought up by the war and the new territory ; and 
the candidate who has no gospel to preach is sure 
of the support of those who would rather talk than 
listen. 

Thurlow Weed takes to himself the credit of 
first proposing the name of General Taylor. Soon 
after the battle of Resaca de la Palma, in May, 
1846, this cunning prophet, who in the past had 
often played the Cassandra in Whig councils, met 
the brother of Zachary Taylor, and after asking 
him of the general's health and inquiring as to his 
political "prejudices," remarked quietly, "Your 
brother is to be our next president. " Weed thought 
it advisable to send the "rough and ready" soldier 
some suggestions concerning his conduct, and they 
admirably illustrate the nature of this whole cam- 
paign from the Whig standpoint. The general 



248 LEWIS CASS 

was warned that If he kept "his eyes toward Mex- 
ico, closing them and his ears to all that was pass- 
ing behind him, the presidential question would 
take care of itself and of him; . . . and that, 
finally, if General Taylor himself left the question 
entirely to the people they would certainly elect 
him." At the start Taylor was probably quite in 
earnest in his short letter, which said that he had 
enough on hand in Mexico without paying any 
attention to presidential prospects. Until the con- 
vention he was fairly circumspect and silent. In 
the beginning surprised at his own prominence 
and distrusting his own ability, he soon came to 
look with the eyes of others, and to entertain an 
ambition which bade fair to make him dangerously 
restless. But he consistently proclaimed himself a 
candidate of the whole people rather than a strait- 
ened party man, and finally said he would not with- 
draw even if Clay were nominated, for no nomina- 
tion, he said, would occasion a change of principles 
or make him the creature of party prejudices. 

The Whig convention assembled in Philadel- 
phia June 7, 1848. An exciting contest followed. 
While the majority of the party still clung fondly 
to the idol of their past, the chief engineers of the 
machine had determined that sentiment must make 
way for availability. On the first ballot Taylor 
received 111 votes. Clay 97, Scott 43, Webster 
22. On the fourth Taylor had 171 and Scott 63. 
Clay had but 32 and Webster 13. Millard Fill- 
more of New York was nominated for vice-presi- 



CANDIDATE FOE THE PRESIDENCY 249 

dent. Such was the result of the convention, 
which was branded as the "slaughter-house of 
Whig principles." 

There was only one issue before the country, 
and that was whether or not the new territory of 
the West was to be given to slavery or dedicated 
to freedom. But the convention retained its self- 
possession with regard to this matter as patiently as 
had its opponent, and was content to push on to 
the hustings a man who stood for no policy, whose 
ideas were not known on a single great problem 
of government, who had no experience in civil 
life, who had never so much as exercised the right 
of suffrage, whose knowledge of public men and 
events was confined to the information he might 
desultorily gather at a frontier post from the news- 
papers and periodicals of the day. But there were 
many members of this assembly who woidd not be 
bound by its insolent indifference to the sentiment 
animating the great mass of the party, especially 
in New England and the Northwest. In Massa- 
chusetts there was a division into "Cotton Whigs" 
and "Conscience Whigs," and in the Northwest 
not only did the Liberty party have strength, but 
the Whigs also in various ways had proclaimed 
opposition to slavery extension. In the conven- 
tion, immediately after the announcement that 
Taylor had received the nomination, a series of 
declarations were made by delegates from Massa- 
chusetts and Ohio which caused the wildest excite- 
ment, and showed clearly enough the disorganiza- 



250 LEWIS CASS 

tion of the old party. Allen of Massachusetts 
pronounced the Whig party disbanded, uttering 
the prophetic words that "under the providence 
of God its dissolution may be for the benefit of 
humanity." Henry Wilson proclaimed that he 
would not recognize the nomination. "We have 
nominated a candidate who has said to the nation 
that he will not be bound by the principles of any 
party. Sir, I will go home, and, so help me God, 
I will do all I can to defeat the election of that 
candidate." Many complained because "free soil 
and free territory" had yielded to the discipline 
of the selfish heavily laden South, and because 
machine politics and chicanery had overborne the 
real wishes of the people. "That great moral 
principle," said Campbell of Ohio, "which has 
fastened itself so firmly on the free Whigs of 
Ohio, will arouse to action, in all the majesty 
of her strength, the young giant of the West." 
How true this was the speaker himself could 
not have known; the whole gigantic power of the 
West was to arise in a righteous fury in defense 
of this great moral idea; caution and old-fashioned 
regard for order and organization might still 
keep many within the old lines; but the recre- 
ancy of the Whig party to the fondest hopes 
of the free Northwest must sooner or later occa- 
sion the conception of a new and overshadowing 
party, untrammeled by a past, unburdened by 
dead issues, pressing forward to the goal of a high 
calling. 



CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY 251 

If the two great parties were satisfied to shut 
their eyes to danger, and to pretend that there 
was none, simply because they would not see it, 
such voluntary blindness was intolerable for many 
whose vision had been touched by the entering 
light of truth. In the evening after the nomina- 
tion of Taylor, fifteen of the dissatisfied delegates 
met to consider plans for the future. A mass 
convention of the citizens of Ohio in favor of " free 
territory " had been summoned to meet in Colum- 
bus in June, and these fifteen conspirators for 
liberty decided to use their efforts to persuade this 
convention to issue a call for a national gathering 
at Buffalo. The Ohio convention issued such a 
summons for August 9. About the same time 
the Barnburners met in Utica. A letter was read 
from Martin Van Buren, expressing his determi- 
nation not to accept a nomination, declaring his 
inability to vote for either Taylor or Cass, and 
branding the extension of slavery as a "moral 
curse." In spite of this declaration he was chosen 
by the convention. Henry Dodge, United States 
Senator from Wisconsin, was selected as the can- 
didate for vice-president. Van Buren accepted. 
Dodge concluded to support Cass. In November, 
1847, the Liberty party had nominated John P. 
Hale of New Hampshire for president, but there 
was definite hope that the action of the Buffalo 
convention would be ratified. All waited, there- 
fore, with some anxiety for that meeting. Already 
the Democratic papers were furious because the 



252 LEWIS CASS 

"Little Magician" had forgotten his past "great- 
ness," and revealed the truth of the "federal 
charges" that "Mr. Van Buren's distinguished 
characteristics are selfishness and a propensity for 
intrigue."^ Even if there were no confluence of 
the different anti-slavery streams, Cass's chances 
in New York were greatly lessened by the Barn- 
burner discontent, and party hatred of the "rene- 
gades " was proportionately increased. 

On August 9 there assembled at Buffalo a 
strange company. The Barnburners, who had 
been orthodox Democrats, supjDorters of Jackson 
and Van Buren in the palmy days of the party, 
met with delegates of the Liberty party, who not 
long before had been hated as crazy fanatics ; the 
"Conscience Whigs" of Massachusetts, the free- 
territory men from Ohio, the disappointed Clay 
Whigs, who had cursed the supporters of Birney 
four years before, the "Land Reformers" and 
"Workingmen of New York," and the advocates 
of cheap postage, came together as strange bed- 
fellows in the misery of an eventful crisis. This 
Free-Soil movement has often been denominated 
a Democratic movement. The enumeration of the 
elements given above shows us that no old estab- 
lished party name can be applied to it. The 
party was composed of various elements now 
united for a common purpose. Some of the men 
of this convention were to drop back into the old 
Democratic ranks ; others were to be charter mem' 

1 New York Sun. 



CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY 253 

bers of the Republican party. Samuel J. Tilden 
was there as well as Charles Francis Adams and 
Salmon P. Chase. 

The platform, chiefly the work of Mr. Chase/ 
was a masterpiece, filled with ringing sentences, 
and charged with enthusiasm. "Congress," it de- 
clared in a forcible aphorism, "has no more power 
to make a slave than to make a king." "Thun- 
ders of applause " followed the reading of such 
clarion-toned sentences as this: "Resolved, that 
we inscribe on our banner free soil, free speech, 
free labor, and free men, and under it we will 
fight on and fight ever, until a triumphant victory 
shall reward our exertions." The convention from 
the first seemed impressed with the solemnity of 
the occasion and the weight of its responsibility. 
And yet one must confess that there was a very 
mundane alloy in this heavenly sentiment; for 
many longed for revenge on Cass and the Plunkers, 
and were willing to obtain it by shouting for free 
soil. Van Buren was nominated amid acclama- 
tions of enthusiasm. The conscientious Free-Soil- 
ers were willing to take the bitter portion in hum- 
ble hope that good would result. The name of 
Charles Francis Adams, the son of John Quincy 
Adams, was placed below that of the old chief of 
the Albany Regency, the calm and gentle man to 
whom "the old man eloquent" had once ascribed 
"fawning servility" and "profound dissimulation 
and duplicity." How strangely in 1837 would 

^ G. W. Julian, Political Recollections, p. 58. 



254 LEWIS CASS 

have sounded the war-cry of 1848, "Van Buren 
and Free Soil — Adams and Liberty." 

This Buffalo convention was a prominent event 
in the life of Cass. The nomination of Van 
Buren, this combination of dissatisfied Democrats 
and Liberty men, assured his defeat, unless his 
party, in spite of its distressed condition in New 
York, should work with a rare courage and vehe- 
mence. But Cass's career is peculiarly connected 
with the development of the Free-Soil movement 
from the point of view of principle. He was 
hailed throughout this campaign as the candidate 
of the vigorous West. He was rightly called the 
"Father of the West." "The history of the 
Western States forms a part of his biography," 
the "Detroit Free Press" said with truth. But 
a calm scrutiny of the forces at work in the old 
Northwest, for which he had done so much, shows 
that its vigor was no longer his. Its strong and 
characteristic sections, which had formed its very 
pith and marrow, were no longer in sympathy 
with their great leader and representative. Al- 
ready the Western Reserve had shown its parent- 
age by sending Giddings to Congress to labor by 
the side of Adams. The Puritan stock of Ohio, 
awakened to the existence of a new crusade for 
liberty, brought forward its hard sense, sound 
morality, and obstinate adherence to principle. 
"Beware! the blood of the Eoimdheads is aroused," 
shouted a delegate in the Buffalo Convention. 
This is not mere metaphor, it is sober statement 



CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY 256 

of fact. The counties of the Northwest first settled 
by New Englanders furnished early supporters of 
the Liberty party, active advocates of free soil. 
There the Republican party had its strength in 
the days of its youth, when all the vigor of its 
new life was given to assailing the aggressions of 
a national sin. Political affiliations are not soon 
forgotten, and to-day Republican strength lies in 
this old robust region of Ohio. A political party 
could gerrymander the State successfully if its 
managers were acquainted with the genealogy of 
its counties. The New Connecticut has given us 
Giddings and Garfield. It has given us many 
pathfinders in unexplored regions of culture, educa- 
tion, and liberal citizenship. We must not omit, 
however, the influence of that milder Puritan of 
mysticism, the Quaker; his kind and gentle influ- 
ence is traceable through the Northwest. The 
inhabitants of Pennsylvania pushed their way 
westward through the middle of Ohio across the 
Indiana line. 

Speaking generally, the New England township 
system has most effectually made its way westward 
along the parallels of latitude. Michigan and 
Wisconsm adopted the township nearly in its 
primitive simplicity. There was the same tend- 
ency in northern Ohio; and wherever we see the 
self-governing spirit of New England, there we 
see in the field of national affairs a relationship 
with the politics of the same stalwart section. 
The early settlers of Michigan were in a marked 



256 LEWIS CASS 

degree from Massachusetts or from New York, 
to which latter State many of them had moved 
from homes east of the Hudson. The political 
and educational history of Michigan has its indi- 
viduality, but the influence of inherited tendencies 
is apparent. Of course in early days the popular 
creed of Jacksonian Democracy made itself felt 
among the people of a new country. But it is 
fair to assume that Michigan would have swung 
into the Whig column much sooner if it had not 
been for the personal admiration and respect which 
its people felt for Lewis Cass. 

An examination of the vote of Ohio in 1844 
will exhibit the truth of these general statements. 
There were seventy-nine counties in Ohio in 1844, 
but Trumbull County alone, the heart of this 
western New England, gave one eleventh of all 
the votes cast for the Liberty ticket in Ohio. Five 
coimties of this same region, containing one elev- 
enth of the total vote of the State, gave more than 
one fourth of the Liberty vote. And if one exam- 
ines more closely he will see even more definite 
proof of the assertion. The Whigs, of course, 
had their strength largely in the districts where 
the Liberty and Free-Soil movement manifested 
itself. In 1848 the twentieth Congressional dis- 
trict, including the counties of Ashtabula, Cuya- 
hoga, Geauga, and Lake, cast 7338 Free-Soil 
votes, only 700 less than the whole Liberty vote 
of Ohio in 1844. That district gave Van Buren 
three fourths as many votes as were received by 



CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY 257 

both Cass and Taylor. In this election the Free- 
Soilers held the balance of power in the State, 
casting 35,354 votes; but of these nearly one half 
were cast by the three districts of the Western 
Reserve, although there were twenty-one districts 
in the State. 

But northeastern Ohio, the peculiar centre of 
western New Englandism, has not simply followed 
and reproduced. Modern Puritanism and the spirit 
of the latter-day Ironsides have here deeply cut 
their lines. The saying is not uncommon that the 
Western Reserve is more New England than New 
England herself.^ Here the Yankee character 
developed under new and inspiring conditions, 
and furnished brain and conscience, sincerity and 
moral enthusiasm to the whole country. Its ear- 
lier inhabitants were, it is true, rough in their 
manners and "stupid" in religion ;2 most of its 
first settlers perhaps hurried to the West to escape 
the iron-clad theology and the stilted social regime 
of old, dogmatic, straight-laced Connecticut, and 
there in the freer air of a new country, unburdened 
by prescription, there grew a more liberal theology, 
a more generous citizenship, and a more human 
idea of liberty. Slipping their old cables, these 
thoughtful people drifted off occasionally into 
"isms " and fanaticisms. But this was the natural 
revolt from a sad theology and acrid Federalism, 
and with this personal freedom of thought was a 

1 The Old Northwest, Hinsdale, p. 388. 

2 Kobbins's Diary, p. 225. 



258 LEWIS CASS 

sound Puritan principle and a guiding common 
sense. President Storrs of Western Keserve Col- 
lege preached anti-slavery doctrines as early as 
1832,^ and planted the humanizing seed in youth- 
ful minds of northeastern Ohio. The result was 
that the Western Reserve had a definitely formu- 
lated anti-slavery sentiment before any other sec- 
tion of the country. John Quincy Adams led his 
district and showed it the way. But Giddings 
was the child of his surroundings, the voice and 
expression of the will of his constituents. 

Ohio has been taken to illustrate the energy of 
New England in the West, because, the early 
settlers coming into the State within well-known 
geographical lines, their influence is easily trace- 
able and capable of definite description and com- 
parison. The compact New Englandism of the 
Western Reserve has made itseK conspicuous, but 
the same general statements of tendencies and 
influences will hold true of the whole Northwest. 
When once Michigan was aroused to a sense of 
the real state of things she too fell in beside Ohio, 
and has remained her political sister. 

Cass was admired and respected by his State. 
Even those who disagreed with him in politics 
found it hard to oppose him at the polls. Upon 
the appearance of the Nicholson letter, many of his 
old admirers felt constrained to turn against him. 
Yet they still had faith in him as a man. "From 
the time of the publication of this letter," writes 
1 The Old Northwest, Hinsdale, p. 392. 



CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY 259 

one of his friendly enemies, who used every effort 
to defeat him, "I opposed the election of General 
Cass to the presidency, though it cost me a pang 
as keen as to have set myseK against my own 
father."^ It was believed by those who knew the 
liberal character of the general that he thought 
his theory of "popular sovereignty" would assure 
in the end free Territories. And so it would, if 
the slave power had allowed a fair application of 
it, and not simply used it until it was no longer 
serviceable. The consistency of Cass was unques- 
tioned by all who knew his previous career; his 
sterling character, his honesty, his uprightness in 
political affairs, the purity and charm of his pri- 
vate life were admired by all who were not blinded 
by party animosity. So in spite of differences 
and these Free-Soil antipathies, in spite of the 
most malignant attacks upon Cass by the Whig 
newspaper of his own city, which denied him 
credit even for his masterly governorship, Cass 
carried Michigan by a good plurality. Yet Van 
Buren received over 10,000 votes, — more than 
Cass's majority over Taylor. Cass also received 
the support of Ohio, a rare tribute to the personal 
admiration and respect for the man. He received 
16,415 votes more than Taylor, whereas Clay had 
defeated Polk by 5940. The Northwestern candi- 
date received the electoral vote of every North- 
western State, but in each one the Whigs and the 
Free-Soilers together outnumbered the Democrats. 
^ Private aud coufidential letter to the author. 



260 LEWIS CASS 

Even young Wisconsin gave 10,418 votes for Van 
Buren, more tlian one fourth of the total vote of 
the State. A prophet was not needed to trace 
the future political development of the Northwest. 

Cass was bitterly attacked in some portions of 
the country, particularly in his own section, be- 
cause he had not accepted an invitation to attend a 
convention at Chicago, called to discuss the subject 
of internal improvements. The New West needed 
the aid of the general government in developing 
its resources, especially in opening its harbors for 
commerce. The Democrats, never lenient toward 
such hopes, had recently been charged with " salt- 
water " interpretation of the Constitution, and the 
residents on the fresh water of the Great Lakes 
wanted a recognition of their claims. Cass always 
disclaimed hostility to national improvements, and 
afterwards, in a speech in the Senate in 1851, 
proved that his course had been in favor of such 
assistance from the government. But he was now 
running on a platform which denied the constitu- 
tionality of a general improvement system, and 
the severe and continuous attacks upon him in the 
Whig papers on this ground probably reduced his 
vote to some extent. 

The slavery question was, however, the promi- 
nent if not the determining factor of the campaign 
of 1848. Taylor was a Southern man, a planta- 
tion owner and a slave owner. The South felt 
that it could trust him, that a Southern man with 
Southern interests was preferable to a Northern 



CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY 261 

man, however Southern might be his principles. 
A mass Democratic convention of the citizens of 
Charleston selected Taylor as their candidate. 
The "Richmond Times" said that he was "thor- 
oughly identified with the South in feeling and 
interest." He was represented in Alabama as one 
who loved "the South and her cherished institu- 
tions;" and so, while the Free-Soilers were desig- 
nating Cass and Taylor as "the Devil and Beelze- 
bub," and the Northern man was being castigated 
in the North for his apostasy to slavery, he was 
marked by Southern Democrats as an unsafe can- 
didate because he was not, as Taylor was, a slave- 
holder. Polk carried Georgia in 1844. Cass lost 
it. The same is true of Louisiana. Everywhere 
south of Mason and Dixon's line the Democracy 
lost ground. Yet the Democratic support of Van 
Buren in New York was decisive. This cannot 
be attributed to anti-slavery sentiment. The Barn- 
burners, fighting for political existence and re- 
venge, and aided by opponents of slavery, polled 
more votes than the "regular" faction. This fact 
proves that personal pique was the great motive in 
that State of politicians. 



CHAPTER IX 

SENATOR. — THE COMPROMISE OF 1850 

The Buffalo convention and the evident uneasi- 
ness of the North had perhaps influenced Congress, 
as it droned along far into the summer of 1848. 
A territorial government was given to Oregon, by 
an act approved August 14, which extended over 
that territory the Ordinance of 1787 with its "re- 
strictions and prohibitions." But in the meantime 
new complications had arisen, for California was 
even more in need of organization and government 
than Oregon had been a year before. Although 
it was known when California was acquired that 
gold had been found there by the Mexicans, the 
idea of a New Eldorado did not immediately take 
hold of the people. An accidental discovery by 
workmen of the yellow grains of gold in January, 
1848, soon set the coimtry afire, and a perfect 
exodus from the East began in the early summer. 
Business men and school-teachers, lawyers and 
clergymen, forsook their callings to hasten to the 
gold fields; the restless and tmemployed class of 
every community begged or borrowed money for 
the journey. The young men especially were over- 
come with anxiety to make a fortune in a moment, 



SENATOR — THE COMPROMISE OF 1850 2G3 

and quickly broke all ties which bound them to 
the humdrum life of the plodding East. The 
"New York Tribune " estimated that 8098 persons 
had set sail for California between December 7, 
1848, and February 8, 1849. The very crews of 
the vessels deserted to dig for gold when once they 
had reached the fabled coast. "Nothino- sir," 
wrote Commodore Jones from Monterey, "can 
exceed the deplorable state of things in all Upper 
California at this time, growing out of the mad- 
dening effects of the gold mania." ^ He described 
the country as in a very "whirlwind of anarchy 
and confusion confounded," where life and pro- 
perty were everywhere in great jeopardy. 

When Congress met, in December, 1848, it had 
to face a stormy and unsatisfactory session. None 
of the real problems before the country had been 
solved. On the contrary, there were feelings of 
greater bitterness than ever. All were uncertain 
about the meaning of the election, except that it 
had disclosed great opposition in the North to the 
extension of slavery and an unexpected defection 
from the ranks of the old parties. No one knew 
where the President-elect would stand on the mo- 
mentous issues which were agitating the country. 
Had Cass been elected, every one would have 
known his position, his belief in the absolute un- 
constitutionality of excluding slavery from the Ter- 
ritories by act of Congress. Yet even an admirer 
of him, with confidence in his sincerity, his up- 
1 October, 1848. Niles, vol. Ixxv. p. 113. 



264 LEWIS CASS 

Tightness and honor, would hesitate to assert that 
under such circumstances his election would have 
been for the best interests of the country. Possi- 
bly the election of Taylor showed much more 
clearly than anything else could have done the 
utter futility of the Whig organization and the 
folly of dodging principles. The only thing that 
the Whigs gained by the election was a redistri- 
bution of the spoils. Inwardly, the party knew 
not itself. One of its greatest men, William H. 
Seward, who, faithful to his party, was faithful 
also to freedom and free territory, who had shown 
many times before his readiness to withstand the 
slave power with boldness, was to take his place in 
the Senate on the same day that a slaveholder, a 
member of the same party, took the oath as presi- 
dent. Under such circumstances it was impossible 
to foretell the future, or to see even so far as to 
the end of this thirtieth Congress. In Ohio poli- 
tics were in such a condition that Chase, the author 
of the Buffalo platform, was during the winter 
elected to the Senate. He had been a Democrat, 
and perhaps never entirely freed himself from the 
fundamental ideas of the Democracy, but his clear 
vision led him away from the fold of the old party, 
and his election was an era in the progress of Free- 
Soil ideas in the free Northwest. 

Measures were at once introduced into the House 
which tested its sentiment and disclosed unusual 
harmony among Northern members. From this 
time the part which the Democracy had played 



SENATOR — THE COMPROMISE OF 1850 265 

since 1844 began to react against it. Contrary to 
its inherited belief that such issues were not proper 
material for political discussion, it had allowed 
the slavery question to become an active political 
principle. By its energetic advocacy Texas and 
the vast territory to the west had been acquired, 
and now the Nemesis was upon it. The party 
must either divide into two opposing wings inca- 
pable of working together, or the Northern wing 
must make Itself subservient to the interests of 
the slaveholders. To such action we can trace its 
ultimate loss of power in the agricultural States of 
the North, which by all the traditions of the past 
were the natural allies of the planting South. For 
the free Northern farmer, whatever might be his 
economic interests, was unable to remain in a 
party which was devoted to slave labor. 

President Polk, in his annual message, called 
the attention of Congress to the anomalous condi- 
tion of New Mexico and California, and advised 
that they be given territorial governments at once, 
and that the Missouri line be extended to the 
Pacific. But it was not easy to do anything in 
this short session, and it wore away to its close 
without any decision of the great question. 

Although Cass had shown, on the whole, remark- 
able strength in the Northwest and had carried 
every State in the election, there was considerable 
dissatisfaction in Michigan with the principles 
for which he stood, and there was strong evi- 
dence that the anti-slavery sentiment had obtained 



266 LEWIS CASS 

a hold upon many members of his own party. 
When the legislature assembled in January, 1849, 
it was apparent that he was to have difficulty in 
securing reelection to the Senate. Resolutions 
favoring the Wilmot proviso and instructing sena- 
tors to vote for it were passed by both Houses by 
substantial majorities, and it did not seem possible 
that he could win the requisite support. But he 
was still the leader of his party and had great 
personal influence, while party discipline could be 
relied upon to overcome a portion of the opposi- 
tion and to force some of the wavering members 
into line. On January 23 he was reelected by a 
vote of 44 to 38. Plainly enough Cass no longer 
represented as he had done the growing sentiment 
of the Northwest. The day of defeat might be 
postponed by dint of energy and party manage- 
ment, and if for any reason a conservative spirit 
gained ground, he as its conspicuous exponent 
would gain new support; but in the end the con- 
trolling sympathy of Michigan was sure to be with 
the principle of Free Soil, and the growth of this 
sentiment meant his ultimate overthrow. ^ Cass 



1 Mr. T. C. Smith, in discussing the condition of the Free Soil 
party in 1849-50, points out the fact mentioned in the text at 
various times, viz., that the personal influence of Cass was very 
marked in Michigan, doubtless retarding the growth or at least 
delaying the full expression of the anti-slavery sentiment. " In 
Michigan," says Mr. Smith, " the one great difference at the out- 
set was that the State, unlike its neighbors, was in the hands of a 
' boss.' Lewis Cass, though an honest, able man, was a thorough 
politician and partisan, and kept a controlling hand over every 



SENATOR — THE COMPROMISE OF 1850 267 

presented his credentials and was sworn in on 
March 3. He was a member of the Senate during 
the famous debate on the appropriation bill, which 
lasted well on into the morning of the 4th. But 
he refused to take any part in the discussion, on 
the ground that the Senate was adjourned by lapse 
of time at midnight between the 3d and 4th. 

Taylor took the oath of office on Monday, the 
5th of March. His cabinet did not stand for a 
distinct principle; it contained four Southern re- 
presentatives, one of whom was an avowed pro- 
slavery man, and three Northern men, of whom 
one had an anti-slavery record. The President 
himself was unquestionably determined to do what 
seemed to him right, and he proved himself singu- 
larly fair and candid. That the South should be 
robbed of its property seemed to him wrong; on 
the other hand, he could see no justice in the de- 
mand that the western territories should be admit- 
ted with slavery, if the people themselves did not 
want it. He was able to make the non-interfer- 
ence rule work both ways. The South was furious. 
The idea that the domain for which it had plotted 
and fought was to be lost to slavery, after all, was 
simply maddening. California, however, was in 
need of some government at once. The existing 
military rule was inappropriate and inadequate, 
and it seemed unjust that the people shoidd be 

movement of his party in the State." Smith, The Liberty and Free 
Soil Parties in the Northwest, p. 198. (N. Y. 1898.) This judg-- 
ment confirms the result of my own studies. 



268 LEWIS CASS 

left in anarchy till Congress could come to some 
conclusion on slavery, a question which little trou- 
bled the average gold-hunter of the Pacific slope. 
The President was ready to protect the people if 
they took steps to organize a state government. 

The people of California now gave a remark- 
able example of the wonderful institutional instinct 
of the Anglo-Saxon. Of their own accord they 
adopted a constitution, October, 1849, established 
a government, and applied for admittance to the 
Union as a State, without having passed through 
the stage of territorial pupilage. This step was 
entirely in accord with the wishes of President 
Taylor, who had already sent an agent to suggest 
this very move, which was begun, however, before 
he arrived. A clause prohibiting slavery was 
adopted unanimously in the convention, and the 
constitution was ratified by the people with only 
811 dissenting votes. This was a severe blow to 
the South. It brought the slaveholders face to 
face with the weakness of their peculiar institution ; 
they saw the need of the artificial aid of the na- 
tional government if slavery was to maintain itself 
against the power of free labor and the mighty 
energy of the North. Hence came the bitter ve- 
hemence of despair and the instinctive fierceness 
of a struggle for seK-preservation. From this 
time forward the thought of dissolution of the 
Union gi-adually grew into a confirmed belief of 
its necessity, and continually became more familiar 
to the Southern people. 



SENATOR — THE COMPROMISE OF 1850 269 

In January, 1849, the legislature of Michigan 
passed a joint resolution concerning the extension 
of slavery to the new Territories. It repudiated 
squatter sovereignty, and asserted that Congress 
had the power, and that it was its duty, to prohibit 
by enactment the introduction of slavery into the 
West. The senators were "instructed" and the 
representatives requested to use their efforts to 
accomplish such an object. Cass was elected to 
the Senate but a few days after these resolutions 
were approved, and he therefore began his second 
term with the knowledge on both sides that his 
own beliefs on the great question were different 
from those of a majority of the legislature and of 
his constituents. His election under these circum- 
stances shows that he was still trusted, even if he 
did hold disagreeable theories concerning slavery. 
Strong opj)osition to him had appeared in the 
nomination by the separate houses; and in the 
joint election the vote was close. The first ballot, 
which actually tested his strength, gave him 44 
votes and to all others 38. This indicated quite 
a change in feeling when compared with the action 
of the legislature in 1845, when the opposition 
was scarcely worthy of consideration. To vote 
against General Cass was a severe trial to some 
of his old friends, who loved him personally and 
admired him as a statesman; but Michigan was 
on the high road to its later Kepublican beliefs, 
and in reelecting its trusted leader it was simply 
postponing the day of separation from him. 



270 LEWIS CASS 

Some hoped that the resolution of the legisla- 
ture would be binding on him; others expected 
that the difficulty would blow over, and that Cass 
would thus avoid without disobeying the instruc- 
tions. How clear and firm his opinions were, 
however, is illustrated by his correspondence dur- 
ing the following autumn. In November he re- 
ceived a letter from prominent Democrats of New 
York, among them Daniel E. Sickles and Charles 
O' Conor, asking him to name a day for a public 
dinner in his honor. "Even amid the fierce con- 
tests of party," they said, "all men have awarded 
to you the praise and admiration due to one who 
has so highly distinguished himself as the father 
of the West, a soldier in war, a statesman in 
peace, an eloquent advocate and defender of the 
honor of his country both in councils at home and 
in her representation abroad; and therefore you 
cannot be surprised to learn that the Democracy 
of this city, whose leader and champion you are, 
regard you with an affection almost filial." He 
declined the invitation in a vigorous letter, in 
which he discussed at some length the topics of 
the day. His strong Western spirit plainly forms 
part of his robust nature stiU ; and though grow- 
ing out of harmony with his section in some par- 
ticulars, he has not lost his sense of its desires or 
tendencies. "An emigrant to the West in early 
youth, the better portion of my life has been 
passed in that great contest with nature in which 
the forest has given way and an empire has arisen, 



SENATOR — THE COMPROMISE OF 1850 271 

already among the most magnificent creations of 
human industry and enterprise. Placed in a geo- 
graphical position to exert a powerful influence 
upon the duration of the confederacy of republics, 
attached to the Union, and to the whole Union, 
and attached equally to the principles of freedom, 
and to the Constitution by which these are guarded 
and secured, should the time ever come, — as I 
trust it will not, — and come whence and why it 
may, when dissolution shall find advocates, and 
the hand of violence shall attempt to sever the 
bond that holds us together, the West will rise 
uj) as one man to stay a deed so fatal to the cause 
of liberty here and throughout the world, — aye, 
and it will be stayed. Success can never hallow 
the effort." He clearly foresaw the meaning of 
the coming contest, and appreciated the loyal 
Union spirit of his constituents. This statement 
comes from the leader of the Democratic party 
who has been accused of weak-kneed subserviency 
to the South, — from the leader of a party whose 
Northern members ten years later too often decried 
"a Union founded on force." This is one of the 
first frank announcements from a Democratic poli- 
tician of the North that peaceful dissolution is 
impossible, — aye more, that dissolution can and 
will be prevented. Such gift of prophecy lay in 
his sympathetic appreciation of popular feeling, 
in his clear perception of actual facts. 

The thirty-first Congress was very able, and 
one of the most famous in our history. The session 



272 LEWIS CASS 

lasted nearly ten months, dragging its weary length 
through the summer of 1850. Nearly the whole 
of the first month was consumed by the House 
in an endeavor to elect a speaker, a difficult task, 
inasmuch as the balance of power was held by 
the "immortal nine," dogged opponents of sla- 
very. But the territorial contest, once fairly be- 
gun, continued with unflagging energy for months. 
The President's message told of the action of 
California, recommended its admittance should its 
"constitution be conformable to the Constitution 
of the United States," and advised Congress to 
abstain from the discussion of "those exciting 
topics which have hitherto produced painful im- 
pressions on the public mind." So mild an exhor- 
tation to temperance sounded almost ludicrous in 
the midst of the intense excitement. 

On December 27 Foote of Mississippi offered 
a resolution that it was the duty of Congress to 
establish suitable territorial governments for Cali- 
fornia, Deseret (Utah), and New Mexico. Cass 
spoke on this resolution January 21 and 22. He 
desired to make a complete exposition of his views, 
and, if possible, to influence his own State; for 
he felt that if the legislature persisted in its in- 
structions he must resign. He spoke for the 
greater portion of two days with great clearness 
and force, and this speech stands to-day the most 
complete defense of the doctrine of "squatter sov- 
ereignty" that has ever been given. He argued 
that the people of the Territories were capable of 






SENATOR — THE COMPROMISE OF 1850 273 

governing themselves, and that the exercise of 
powers of government by Congress would be an 
act of unwarranted tyranny, contrary to the great 
principles of American liberty. Moreover there 
was, he contended, no clause in the Constitution 
which gives to Congress express power to pass any 
law respecting slavery in the Territories. Such 
power was not contained in the clause which gave 
Congress power to make "all needful rules and 
regulations respecting the territory or other pro- 
perty belonging to the United States," for that was 
a power over property and not persons ; a miscon- 
ception had arisen because of a confusion between 
"territory" and "Territory," which latter was not 
land, but a political community organized as a 
territorial government. This proposition he dis- 
cussed at length, and with great keenness. He 
then denied that the authority of Congress could 
be deduced from the war or treaty-making power; 
for that would not account for congressional con- 
trol over territory not acquired by war or treaty, 
and no agreement with the individual States could 
enlarge the competence of Congress under the 
Constitution. The right to admit new States was 
equally ineffectual; the reasoning on this clause 
was simply analogical, and not convincing ; though 
the Territories might be likened to boys in pupil- 
age, the analogy was not perfect, nor could such 
suppositipns bestow authority upon a body pos- 
sessed of enumerated powers. The right to sell, 
the right of ownership, and the right or duty of 



y> 



274 LEWIS CASS 

settlement were equally insufficient privileges from 
which to deduce a right to govern persons; for 
every implied power ought to bear a fair relation 
to the specific one. The right of sovereignty, the 
nature of government, nationality, and the princi- 
ples of agency and trust had all been summoned 
to do battle in opposition to " squatter sovereignty; " 
but these principles overlooked the character of 
the Constitution itself, and lost sight of the doc- 
trines of that "noble state paper," the Virginia 
Resolutions of 1799. 

Other more technical reasons for claiming that 
this power was inherent in Congress he brought 
up and combated. The right of self-government 
by the people of the Territories was given by no 
earthly potentate or people. "They got it from 
Almighty God; from the same omnipotent and 
beneficent Being who gave us our rights, and who 
gave to our fathers the power and the will to 
assert and maintain them." He ended by asking 
those who could think that there was any constitu- 
tional basis for the Wilmot proviso to consider 
the circumstances of the times and the inexpe- 
diency of the measure. His closing sentences 
were as follows : " I will endeavor to discharge my 
duty, as an American senator, to the country and 
to the whole country, agreeably to the convictions 
of my own duty and of the obligations of the Con- 
stitution, and when I cannot do this I shall cease 
to have any duty here to perform. My sentiments 
upon the Wilmot proviso are now before the Sen- 



SENATOR — THE COMPROMISE OF 1850 275 

ate, and will soon be before my constituents and 
the country. I am precluded from voting in con- 
formity with them. T have been instructed by 
the legislature of Michigan to vote in favor of 
this measure. I am a believer in the right of in- 
struction when fairly exercised, and under proper 
circumstances. There are limitations upon this 
exercise; but I need not seek to ascertain their 
extent or application, for they do not concern my 
present position. I acknowledge the obligation 
of the instructions I have received, and cannot act 
in opposition to them. Nor can I act in opposi- 
tion to my own convictions of the true meaning of 
the Constitution. When the time comes, and I 
am required to vote upon this measure as a practi- 
cal one, in a bill providing for a territorial govern- 
ment, I shall know how to reconcile my duty to 
the legislature with my duty to myself, by surren- 
dering a trust I can no longer fulfill."^ 

The modern student, thinking calmly on these 
great questions, soon finds common sense a suffi- 
cient rebuttal of "squatter sovereignty." If the 
Constitution is to be strictly construed, then Con- 
gress has no power to acquire territory. But if 
such a power is admitted, government is essential 
to complete acquisition, and follows as a natural 
consequent upon the very heels of possession, if 
it is not actually a part of it. Such authority has 
been exercised by the national government from 
the beginning of its history. It throws a strong 

1 Appendix to the Congressional Globe, vol. xxii. pt. 1, p. 74. 



276 LEWIS CASS 

light on the confusion of the times that such self- 
evident propositions were rejected by a large por- 
tion of the people, and that "squatter sovereignty " 
was accepted as logically sound and conclusive; 
but we must remember that the Kebellion has 
cleared the air for us, and we now see plainly 
what was befogged forty years ago. 

On January 29 Clay introduced a series of eight 
resolutions, the intent of which was to compromise 
the conflicting claims of North and South. The 
first proposed the admission of California without 
any restriction by Congress; the second, that, in- 
asmuch as slavery was not likely to exist in any 
of the Territories obtained from Mexico, govern- 
ments ought to be established there without re- 
striction or condition on the subject of slavery; 
the third, that the boundary between Texas and 
New Mexico should be agreed upon; the fourth,- 
that Texas be paid a sum of money in considera- 
tion of giving up in large part her claims to land 
in New Mexico; the fifth, that the abolition of 
slavery in the District of Columbia under present 
circumstances was inexpedient; the sixth, that it 
was expedient to prevent the slave trade in the 
District of Columbia; the seventh, that a more 
effectual fugitive slave law ought to be passed; 
the eighth, that Congress had no power to prohibit 
the slave trade between slave States. Clay begged 
the senators to refrain from discussing this mea- 
sure until they had taken time to consider it; but 
debate immediately ensued, and continued for 



SENATOR — THE COMPROMISE OF 1860 277 

months. Cass was on his feet often during these 
debates, a steady and consistent advocate for jmt- 
ting an end to an unnecessary agitation. In addi- 
tion to his arguments on unconstitutionality, he 
insisted that the law of nature had banished slav- 
ery forever from California, and that the proviso 
discussion was one of selfish sentiment. 

The presentation of a petition by Senator Hale 
of New Hampshire for the peaceable dissolution 
of the Union called forth (February 12) an elo- 
quent and forcible address from Cass. "To dis- 
solve this Union peaceably! " he exclaimed. "He 
who believes that such a government as this, with 
its traditions, its institutions, its promises of the 
past, its performances of the present, and its hopes 
of the future, living in the heart's core of almost 
every American, can be broken up without blood- 
shed, has read human nature and human history 
to little purpose." February 20 he frankly out- 
lined his course in regard to the proviso. He 
confessed his inconsistency. The "retailing of 
conversations in railroad cars " was not needed to 
prove that at first he was ready to vote for the 
measure. A calm investigation and unimpassioned 
consideration of expediency had led him to change 
his mind. With unusual vehemence he repelled 
the insinuation that he was a "doughface " because 
he was not ready to "cover the country with blood 
and conflagration to abolish slavery." On the 
conclusion of his speech Clay thanked him, and 
agreed with him that the country was in danger 



278 LEWIS CASS 

because of "ultraism," which made cahn discus- 
sion an impossibility. No one can read these 
fervid speeches without being convinced of Cass's 
thorough sincerity and intense moral earnestness. 
He believed slavery was a misfortune to the South ; 
yet that only the passing ages could bring about 
emancipation without the destruction of both races ; 
but that "God in his providence" might bring 
it about. Only one who is intent upon finding 
chicanery and low ambition in this period of his 
life will fail to sympathize with his intense, how- 
ever mistaken, eagerness for compromise. 

Webster's famous 7th of March speech, in which 
he deplored unnecessary agitation, advocated com- 
promise, and lamented sentiment, had direct effect 
at the North. It was itself the expression of re- 
action and conservatism. It aided the growing 
desire to settle the question and to restore har- 
mony, and seems to have influenced the legislature 
of Michigan to reconsider its instructions and re- 
quests to the congressmen of the State. ^ April 11 
Cass exultingly read to the Senate resolutions 
freeing him from any obligation to vote contrary 
to his judgment, and heartily approving the pa- 
triotic stand taken by those who had "united their 
efforts to preserve the Union one and indivisible." 

This was a session of great speeches. On March 
4 Calhoun's views were read to the Senate by a 
fellow-senator. He himself was too weak to speak. 

^ Private correspondence between the author and a member of 
the legislature at that time. 



SENATOR — THE COMPROMISE OF 1850 279 

The old iiulllfier was dying. But his last energies 
were devoted to the South and to slavery, to a 
cause that was doomed and to a system that had 
cast its blight on the State which he had loved so 
well and served so faithfully. His argument was 
simple — equilibrium must be maintained ; the en- 
croachments of the North must be prevented; only 
by a zealous care for Southern interests, by a main- 
tenance of political equality, could harmony be 
secured and the Southern States remain in the 
Union consistently with their honor and safety. 
"The cry of ' Union, Union, the glorious Union! ' 
can no more prevent disunion than the cry of 
' Health, health, glorious health ! ' on the part of 
a physician can save a patient lying dangerously 
ill." The South, he said, must be protected by 
some constitutional provision, which there would 
be no difficulty in devising. He referred, doubt- 
less, to his plan of electing two presidents, one 
from each section, who should protect their respec- 
tive interests, a plan he had already worked out in 
his "Discourse on the Constitution and Govern- 
ment of the United States." 

As Webster's 7th of March speech expressed 
the longing for peace and the growing weariness 
at the North of the endless discussion, and was a 
manifestation of conservatism and reaction, so on 
the other hand Seward's and Chase's words de- 
clared the unwavering zeal of the earnest and 
serious, who were content with no temporizing 
compromise, and demanded principles in accord 



280 LEWIS CASS 

with the "higher law." Seward's speech was one 
of the greatest in the annals of American oratory; 
he saw so clearly, he felt so keenly, he argued so 
calmly and logically. "I feel assured that slavery 
must give way, and will give way, to the salutary 
instructions of economy, and to the ripening in- 
fluences of humanity ; that emancipation is inevi- 
table, and is near ; that it may be hastened or hin- 
dered ; and that, whether it be peaceful or violent, 
depends on the question whether it be hastened or 
hindered; . . . that all measures which fortify 
slavery, or extend it, tend to the consummation of 
violence; ... all that check its extension and 
abate its strength tend to its peaceful extirpation." 
Webster and Clay and Cass saw through the glass 
of past prejudices but darkly. Seward and Chase 
read the present and the future face to face. Cass 
in an elaborate address on March 13 and 14 sharply 
rebuked Seward for accepting office under a Con- 
stitution which recognized the necessity of an " im- 
moral" fugitive slave law, and criticised the "equi- 
librium " propositions of Calhoun. 

There was great disagreement concerning the 
various proposals of Clay's compromise measure. 
One objected to one clause and another to another 
clause, and finally the whole subject was on April 
13 referred to a select committee of thirteen, of 
which Clay was chairman, and Cass was a mem- 
ber. On May 8 this committee reported, and 
recommended three bills. The first provided for 
three distinct objects: the immediate admittance 



SENATOR — THE COMPROMISE OF 1850 281 

of California, the establishment of territorial gov- 
ernments for New Mexico and Utah, with the stip- 
ulation that the territorial legislature should pass 
no law with reference to slavery, the settlement of 
the boundary of Texas, and the payment to that 
State of a sum of money, as a recompense for her 
giving up her claim to part of New Mexico. The 
second bill provided for the return of fugitive 
slaves; the third for the discontinuance of the 
slave trade in the District of Columbia. This re- 
port had been agreed upon by the committee after 
long discussions and debates. Its reception by 
the Senate was not flattering. Some of the radi- 
cal Southern members demanded that California 
should not be admitted. Others from the North, 
on the other hand, asserted that the admission of 
California should not be made conditional upon 
the formation of territorial governments, and de- 
sired that the principle of the Wilmot proviso 
should be applied to the Territories. It seemed 
absolutely impossible to harmonize differences. 
The debate went on day after day with mechanical 
regularity, but with unfailing vehemence and bit- 
terness. Cass was continually on his feet, the 
able and persistent ally of Clay and a champion 
of the compromise. 

President Taylor had been drawn into obstinate 
opposition to the committee's plans, partly because 
his loyal heart was stirred to resentment by the 
treasonable threats of the South, and partly be- 
cause he had from the first been in favor of admit- 



282 LEWIS CASS 

ting California with her constitution as adopted. 
On July 9 he died. Presidential duties had wor- 
ried and annoyed him, and had told severely upon 
him. His last words tell the tale of an unpreten- 
tious life, whose late ambition had not brought 
peace or happiness : "I have always done my duty ; 
I am ready to die ; my only regret is for the friends 
I leave behind me." Fillmore became president, 
and the weight of executive influence was thrown 
in favor of the compromise measure. 

On June 11 and August 12 the doctrine of non- 
interference, of the absolute and divine right of 
the people of the Territories to govern themselves, 
was ably discussed and defended by Cass. He 
fondly believed that the compromise would still 
the raging tempest. "There can be no Wilmot 
proviso, and no one proposes to interfere with the 
claims of Texas. Then why not terminate this 
whole controversy, and thus banish its remem- 
brances from our councils and country. , . . That 
done, we should enter again upon a glorious career, 
with none to trouble us or to make us afraid. 
God grant that the denunciation contained in the 
command to the prophet may not already have 
gone out against us. Say ye not a confederacy, 
to all them to whom this people shall say a confed- 
eracy; neither fear ye their fear, nor be afraid." 

He was winning his State to a temporary faith 
in his beliefs. A Democratic convention of Michi- 
gan in June passed resolutions in favor of the 
compromise, and eulogized the "patriotic efforts" 



SENATOR — THE COMPROMISE OF 1850 283 

of General Cass. "Placing himself in tlie breach, 
and stemming a current of popular prejudice and 
fanaticism as relentless and proscriptive in its 
character as it is sectional and destructive in its 
objects, he has achieved a moral triumph no less 
creditable to himself than it is salutary in its re- 
sults upon the permanency of our republican form 
of government." The convention also advocated 
congressional non-intervention as the only sound 
basis for the Democratic party. 

The different provisions of the compromise bill 
were finally passed piecemeal. Territorial gov- 
ernments were given to Utah and to New Mex- 
ico. California was admitted. Texas was given 
110,000,000 in lieu of all title to land organized 
as part of New Mexico. The slave trade in the 
District of Columbia was abolished. An infamous 
fugitive slave law was passed, providing for sum- 
mary proceedings and a shameful disregard for 
the rights of free blacks. Undoubtedly the coun- 
try breathed more easily when the compromise 
was adopted, and many deceived themselves into 
believing that strife was forever stifled. But the 
act contained the seeds of its own destruction. 
Slave-hunting in the North began at once, and in 
earnest. Greeley ^ estimated that within the first 
year of the existence of these new regulations more 
persons were seized as fugitive slaves than during 
the preceding sixty years. Cass had been in favor 
of making the original slave law of 1793 more 

1 The American Conflict, p. 216. 



284 LEWIS CASS 

effective by adequate amendments. He was will- 
ing to do "justice" to the South. But the South 
on its part did not, and could not, appreciate 
Northern hatred of slave -hunting; and the conse- 
quent result of this strict law was to bring the 
evils of slavery, in its most revolting and inhuman 
aspects, home to the consciences of a people whose 
moral sense was not blunted. The compromise 
of 1850, which was hailed as the final settlement 
of sectional differences, in fact precipitated the 
Rebellion, and hastened the destruction of the 
"institution" of the South. Strange does it seem 
now that a representative of the free Northwest 
could not see more clearly, could have thus lost 
moral insight into the first principles of respect- 
able republican liberty. He desired, it is true, that 
provision should be made for a jury trial in the 
State to which the alleged runaway might be trans- 
ported, but he voted against allowing such a safe- 
guard of liberty in the North, because that would 
be doing "injustice" to the South. He refused 
to favor an amendment to this infamous law, 
which would have permitted the issue of a writ of 
habeas corpus. A dark complexion was a crime 
which freed the nation from all consideration. 

Those who had worked so strongly through the 
long oppressive weeks of summer for a compromise 
which would save the Union were terribly disap- 
pointed and goaded to a pitch of anger because 
there was still agitation and opposition. The 
strong and uncompromising adherents of free soil 



SENATOR — THE COMPROMISE OF 1850 285 

were thought to be nursing "in their bosoms the 
feelings of disappointment and hate," — and to have 
shut their eyes to the fruits of a happy Union 
"which compromise ushered into existence." ^ Yet 
unquestionably there was on the whole a feeling 
of rest and relief because the crisis had passed 
without destruction. A great reaction toward con- 
servatism had made itself felt among the mercan- 
tile classes of the North, who began to realize how 
much the industries of the country would be dis- 
turbed by disunion. Trade is always timid. The 
steady compromisers were therefore honored at 
the marts of trade and commerce. A number of 
citizens of New York gave Cass a public reception 
November 28, 1850, just before the opening of 
Congress. His "eloquent address "was received 
with "vehement applause." ^ It was an earnest 
appeal for contentment, and for a recognition of 
the finality of the compromise. A member of the 
Congress which had just passed one of the most 
shameful acts that ever sullied a statute book, 
depriving a man with a black skin of all security 
in liberty or in the pursuit of happiness, talked 
about the " precious heritage of liberty. . . . And 
where in the long annals of mankind do we find 
a people so highly favored as we are at this mo- 
ment, when we seem to be struck with judicial 
blindness — almost ready, I may say, in the lan- 
guage of Scripture, to rush upon the thick bosses 

1 Smith, Life and Times of Lewis Cass, p. 710. 
^ Newspaper article. 



286 LEWIS CASS 

of Jehovah's buckler? The sun never shone upon 
a country as free and prosperous as this, where 
human freedom finds less oppression, the human 
intellect less restraint, or human industry less op- 
position." 

There was a vigorous desire on the part of the 
people to reason themselves to sleep, and to make 
use of all sorts of devices to rid themselves of this 
horrid insomnia; but it was a hard task, although 
there was an evident backsliding after the high 
excitement of 1850. Cass was elected senator in 
February, 1851, by a handsome majority. This 
is a clear indication of the acquiescence in the 
"finality" of the compromise. Many people of 
the North were prepared to assert that they would 
take no thought for the morrow. The appalling 
cases of cruelty were too frequent, however; and 
action was bound sooner or later to follow reac- 
tion. Orators might depict the beauties of patri- 
archal slavery, but the despair of the captured 
fugitives, their readiness to die rather than to be 
taken back to the South, belied all efforts of that 
kind. The contradictions of pamphleteers and 
deluded conservatives were daily made more glar- 
ing; the sentimentalists of the North were up- 
braided because they discountenanced the capture 
of slaves and their return to the blessed and happy 
bondage, from which ecstatic state they were es- 
caping in hundreds to the ruin of their kind, 
gentle, and Christian masters. 

Other orators and statesmen used words similar 



SENATOR — THE COMPROMISE OF 1850 287 

to those of Cass. But all Union-saving speeches 
and prayers were ineffectual. When Congress 
met, in December, it was apparent that, although 
there was a calm after the storm, some would in- 
sist on being shocked and horrified at the fugitive 
slave act. President Fillmore's message indorsed 
the finality of the compromise. But the indorse- 
ment itself called forth a bitter debate. "The 
farmer of Ohio," said Giddings, "will never turn 
out to chase the panting fugitive." Petitions 
against the act came in scores. Cass lamented 
that sentiment and ultraism had bewitched the 
people. In a speech in the Senate (February, 
1851) he deplored the statement that the law was 
contrary to public sentiment, and could not be 
enforced. He read a ringing resolutiou adopted 
by a meeting in Springfield, Massachusetts, which 
hailed the escape of a hunted slave, and avowed 
the hope that, "law or no law, constitution or no 
constitution. Union or no Union, the hospitality 
of Massachusetts will never be violated by the de- 
liverance of any fugitive from oppression to his 
tyrant again." Such "unpatriotic " resolutions 
he attributed to the teachings of English emissa- 
ries, who were journeying over our land, preaching 
abolition and the sinfulness of the Constitution. 

As the campaign of 1852 approached, it became 
evident that the Democrats had the advantagre of 
harmony and discipline. Not all Democrats were 
in favor of the Fugitive Slave Act, but there was 
no such division in their ranks as in those of the 



288 LEWIS CASS 

Whigs, where the anti-slavery sentiment would 
not down. The conservative reaction was still 
vigorous during the summer of this year. Those 
who were crying "Peace, peace," would evidently 
still cling to the old parties, and many would turn 
to the one whose history promised no attack upon 
the "peculiar institution" of the Southern States. 
The horrors of the slave chase were not yet com- 
pletely brought home to the Northern conscience 
and sympathy. The National Democratic Con- 
vention met in Baltimore on June 1. On the first 
ballot Cass was the favorite. He received 116 
votes; Buchanan received 93; Marcy, 27; and 
there were 27 scattering. The contest was long 
and exciting. Cass was still recognized as the 
leader of his party ; but the practical politician is 
loath to place in nomination a man once defeated, 
whose weak points have been brought into view, 
and who no longer can awaken enthusiasm from 
novelty. The balloting continued; Cass's vote at 
one time dropped to 25. Douglas, on the thirti- 
eth ballot, had as many as 92. On the thirty-fifth 
Cass's vote reached 131. Then the name of Frank- 
lin Pierce was introduced. Marcy was still for- 
midable, receiving 97 on the forty -fifth ballot; 
but on the forty-ninth the New Hampshire man 
was chosen. The second place on the ticket was 
given to William R. King of Alabama. 

The candidates were suited to the task assigned 
them. Pierce is not one of the great men of our 
political history, but belongs in the column of 



SENATOR— THE COMPROMISE OF 1850 289 

presidential accidents. He had served in Congress 
for some ten years, and had been a brigadier- 
general in the Mexican war. He had in no way 
shown any preeminent ability. What was wanted 
was precisely such a colorless candidate to carry 
the standard of the party announcing the "finality " 
of the compromise of 1850. Resolutions were 
adopted declaring that Congress had no power to 
interfere with the domestic institutions of the sev- 
eral States, and that all the efforts of the aboli- 
tionists to induce Congress to take such steps were 
calculated to lead to the most alarming conse- 
quences. The party was pledged to resist all at- 
tempts at "renewing" the agitation of the slavery 
question in Congress or out of it. Pierce accepted 
the nomination, and approved heartily of the plat- 
form. 

The Whig convention, which met soon after- 
ward, seemed to have as great travail as its rival 
had suffered in bringing forth a candidate. Its 
Southern members had already indicated the neces- 
sity of agreeing to the compromise, while at the 
North there was a strong element of the party 
which was no longer bound to it by principles, 
but simply by past associations. Scott, Fillmore, 
and Webster were the candidates. The first was 
nominated on the fifty-third ballot. Had Webster 
been nominated the campaign might have taken 
a different line, for his readiness to accept radical 
conservatism on the slavery question had already 
been demonstrated; but he did not receive a single 



290 LEWIS CASS 

Southern vote in the convention. The platform, 
supposed to have been the work of Webster, adopted 
adjustment and finality, and acquiesced in the 
Fugitive Slave Law. The party had passed its last 
resolution. There was truth in the epitaph which 
the public wrote upon its tomb : " Died of an at- 
tempt to swallow the Fugitive Slave Law." 

A Free-Soil National Convention in Ausrust 
nominated John P. Hale for president and George 
W. Julian for vice-president. Both the great 
parties were pronounced hopelessly corrupt and 
unworthy of confidence; and were wittily charac- 
terized as the " Whig and Democratic wings of the 
great Compromise party of the Nation." This 
campaign was conducted with great enthusiasm 
and with the courage of moral earnestness; but 
the result seemed to furnish even less encourage- 
ment than had been offered four years before. 
The vote had actually fallen off. It represented, 
however, the actual strength of the anti-slavery 
men in politics unaided by any side issue. There 
was great zeal in the North to lie prostrate in 
worship before the Constitution, compromise, and 
conciliation. In New York, where Van Buren 
had received such a great vote in 1848, the Free- 
Soilers did not hold even the balance of power. 
In Michigan there were 3000 less votes cast for 
Hale than had been cast for Van Buren. The 
same proportinate falling off appears in the other 
Northwestern States, including Ohio, and yet this 
portion of the Union was especially true to the 



SENATOll — THE COMrROMISE OF 1850 291 

faith. Most of the old Barnburners of New York 
forgot their Free-Soil aberration, and voted and 
worked for Pierce. Many of the Northern Whigs 
found it hard to be reconciled; they were said, 
in the slang of the day, " to swallow the candidates 
and to spit upon the platform." 

The Democrats had felt great confidence in their 
success, but no one had anticipated such a victory 
as they won. Scott received only 42 electoral 
votes, carrying in the North Massachusetts and 
Vermont, in the South Kentucky and Tennessee. 
Not a single State especially interested in slavery 
deigned to reward the party which had been for 
years stifling all its better feelings and hopes out 
of tender consideration for the "rights" of the 
South. The popular plurality was not so crush- 
ing, only 202,008; but Taylor had beaten Cass 
by a plurality of 138,447. There was no excuse 
for the Whigs longer to pretend to exist as a 
jaarty. They had been kept together since 1848 
by spoils and the memory of past glory. In the 
light of this defeat even memory lost its sweetness. 
Though some were still obstinate and used the 
old name, the party was gone. Some rude shock 
was necessary to shake into crystals the different 
elements held in the solution of uncertainty and 
doubt. Such a shock soon came, and the study 
of the next eight years of this sixth decade of our 
history may be devoted to watching the effect upon 
the North of blow after blow from the arrogant 
South. The Democracy, now given up to South- 



292 LEWIS CASS 

ern policy and flushed with victory, scarcely real- 
ized the danger of presumption until the free 
Northwest had brought into being a gigantic young 
party filled with the enthusiasm of youth, princi- 
ple, and patriotism. Not till the Whigs were 
disorganized and thrown into confusion by over- 
whelming defeat, was there an opportunity for a 
recombination in opposition to slavery. The tri- 
umph of the compromise was all that was needed 
to destroy it. 



CHAPTER X 

THE REPEAL OP THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE. — 
THE NORTHWEST FORMS A NEW PARTY 

A STUDY of the popular vote of 1852 might 
have made the Democratic party somewhat cau- 
tious ; for its actual majority was very small. But 
compromise and finality, as represented by Pierce, 
seemed to be triumphant, and the new president 
was eager for adjustment and for the enforcement 
of the law. His message, December, 1853, once 
more proclaimed that the slavery contest should 
be considered settled. From its uneasy slumbers 
the country was suddenly awakened on January 
16, 1854, by Senator Dixon of Kentucky. The 
successor of Henry Clay gave notice that when a 
bill to establish a territorial government in Ne- 
braska should come up for consideration, he should 
offer a resolution repealing the Missouri compro- 
mise and permitting the citizens of the several 
States and Territories to take and hold their slaves 
within any of the Territories of the United States. 
January 23, Stephen A. Douglas reported from 
the Committee on Territories a bill for the forma- 
tion of two Territories, — Kansas and Nebraska, 
— which provided that all cases involving the title 



294 LEWIS CASS 

to slaves and questions of personal freedom should 
be referred to the local tribunals with right of 
appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States. 
This, of course, meant the repeal of the Missouri 
compromise. It was declared to be the intent of 
the act to carry into practical operation the j)rinci- 
ples established by the compromise measure of 
1850. Non-intervention was now made applica- 
ble, not alone to the "broken crests and deep 
valleys," nor to the mountain tops "capped by 
perennial snow," nor to the barren mountain sides 
of New Mexico and Utah, but to the broad rolling 
prairies west of the Mississippi. The section of 
the Missouri compromise, excluding slavery north 
of 36° 30', was declared inoperative and void, as 
being inconsistent with the principle of non-inter- 
vention recognized by the legislation of 1850. 
There is ostensible but not real truth, therefore, 
in the statement of Jefferson Davis that the Mis- 
souri line was erased, not in 1854, but by Clay's 
last effort at mediation. 

The act as adopted contained the following state- 
ment, afterwards a subject of some discussion : " It 
being the true intent and meaning of the act not 
to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, 
nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people 
thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their 
domestic institutions in their own way, subject 
only to the Constitution of the United States." 
Jefferson Davis, in his work on the "Rise and 
Fall of the Confederate Government," maintains 



REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE 295 

that the claim afterwards advanced by Douglas 
and others, that this declaration was intended to 
assert the right of the first settlers of the Territory 
to determine the character of its institutions, led 
to the dissensions which resulted in a rupture of 
the Democratic party. He insists that this right 
to "regulate their domestic institutions" belonged 
to the people of a Territory only at the moment 
of forming a constitution for admittance into the 
Union. The same statements have been made by 
other writers in behalf of the "Lost Cause." The 
"Little Giant," who declaimed in his frenzied 
fashion in favor of the rights of the slaveholder, 
until he was abused and execrated by the more 
advanced people of the North, is now slandered 
and maligned by the advocates of the South. He 
is described as an "able and eloquent demagogue," 
whose popular sovereignty was merely "a short 
cut to all the ends of Black Republicanism." The 
truth is, however, that the South, findmg itself 
beaten at its own game, thereupon followed the 
advice of the old lawyer to a member newly ad- 
mitted to the profession: having neither law nor 
facts in its favor, it abused the other side. An 
unprejudiced reading of the speeches of Cass and 
Douglas on the act of 1854 will show that popular 
or "squatter sovereignty" meant control over leg- 
islation by the people of a Territory. Cass made 
two eloquent and skillful speeches on the subject, 
clear as the sun at noonday. ^ The fact is that the 
* As late as 1855 Cass repeated the argument for popular sot- 



296 LEWIS CASS 

remarkable infatuation of the South allowed it, 
even as late as 1854, to believe that it could com- 
pete for the Western prairie with the free North, 
whose population was far greater, and which was 
constantly receiving such additions from the old 
world that it could pour a steady stream of immi- 
grants into the new Territories. Not until the 
painful truth came home, that competition with 
the free North m expansion, in power, in vigor, 
was a hopeless task, did the ordinary slave -owner 
abuse popular sovereignty and demand the affirm- 
ative protection by Congress of all his rights to 
property in persons. We shall see that in this 
hopeless contest he at last turned even to the ne- 
farious slave trade, which had been piracy for 
forty years and illegal for fifty, hoping in spite of 
defeat that the forests of Africa would give the 
means to counteract the emigration from the crowded 
fields and cities of Europe. 

Cass, as the inventor of popular sovereignty, 
has been burdened with abusive epithets, and ac- 
cused of pernicious intents ; but, after all, popular 
sovereignty, though artificial, and an absurd de- 
duction from general principles, if honestly carried 
out would have chained slavery within its early 
limits, wherein it was doomed to destruction by 

ereignty in the early sense of that word: "The negation of all 
power of interference by Congress in the internal government of 
the Territories is the true constitutional doctrine." From a letter 
to the Detroit Free Press, August, 1855, quoted in Smith's Cass, 
p. 771. 



REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE 297 

the silent operation of economic and iuJustrial 
laws. But the South would not live up to the 
doctrine when the struggle went against it. Cali- 
fornia was lost; the mountain-passes of New Mex- 
ico were forbidding; and the plains beyond the 
mountains had not yet suggested their beautiful 
transformation at the touch of irrigation and mod- 
ern mechanical skill. The Kansas and Nebraska 
country, stretching away to the Rocky Mountains 
and north to the British provinces, the remaining 
portions of the Louisiana purchase, must be won 
for slavery, or the slave baron could no longer 
crack his whip in the halls of the Capitol in defi- 
ance of Northern sentiment and "sentimentality." 
Cass lamented the reopening of the slavery con- 
test by this bill. He regretted that it should be 
necessary to reconsider a compromise of over thirty 
years' standing; but he admitted that the line of 
demarcation was inconsistent with the theory of 
non-intervention, and he believed that the com- 
plete recognition of that theory was the only means 
of obtaining peacQ. He therefore announced his 
adherence to the bill. He did not believe that 
the South would gain anything by the equality 
she demanded, for he trusted that the region in 
dispute was so ill adapted to slave labor that no 
human power could ever establish it there. Bor- 
rowing the famous words of Webster, he exclaimed, 
"It is excluded by law, superior to that which 
admits it elsewhere, — the law of nature, of physi- 
cal geography, the law of the formation of the 



298 LEWIS CASS 

earth. That law settles forever, with a strength 
beyond all terms of human enactment, that slavery ' 
cannot exist there." Curiously enough, the elo- 
quent historian of our civil war. Dr. Draper, pro- 
pounded the same opinion as late as 1867;^ but 
the learned advocate of the control of nature over 
man hit upon an unfortunate example. The Great 
American Desert has bloomed as if touched with 
the wand of Ceres herseK, and the skill of man, 
by upturning the soil, has brought rain from the 
clouds; the dry plains of Kansas and Nebraska 
are dry no longer, and the rough buffalo grass 
and cactus have given place to more useful and 
luxuriant crops. It is fortunate that the Ameri- 
can people were not willing to trust to the appar- 
ent infertility of their wild lands, but aroused 
themselves to active opposition. For the South 
was determined that at least one more slave State 
should be added to the list. The passage of the 
Kansas-Nebraska bill was the beginning of the 
end. The advice of Seward had been neglected. 
The slave States, ignorant of their own inherent 
weakness, madly began a struggle for equality, 
demanding an opportunity for the contest. 

President Pierce signed the measure May 30, 
1854. The day of compromise was past. They 
who had boasted of final adjustment by the com- 
promise of 1850 now disregarded one which had 
l3een considered inviolable. The basis was non- 
interference. Freedom must be attained, not by 

1 History of American Civil War, vol. i. p. 411. 



KEPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE 299 

"bargains of equivocal prudence," but by fair 
legislation, by the vigor of free labor and free 
thought, now by Southern folly given fair play 
without let or hindrance. The shifting sands of 
compromise were gone. "This seems to me," ex- 
claimed Seward, "auspicious of better days and 
better and wiser legislation. Through all the 
darkness and gloom of the present hour bright 
stars are breaking, that inspire me with hope and 
excite me to perseverance." Cass did not see so 
clearly nor feel so deeply as the men of the new 
generation. His companions in thought had gone, 
and he lingered still, one of the old school who 
had loved the Union with a tenderness and loyalty 
which could be known only by those who had seen 
it rise and prosper, and who had helped make it 
what it was. He hoped and believed that his 
doctrine of non-intervention would preserve the 
Territories for freedom. The violence, the greed, 
the stern resolve of the leaders of the new South 
appeared as dire portents to Seward, to Chase, to 
Sumner; but they were hidden from the patriarch 
of a generation whose memories recalled Southern 
hospitality and true chivalry, when as yet embit- 
ter mg topics had not arisen. 

His opinions are well expressed in a letter writ- 
ten to a friend in Detroit, June 4: "As you are 
aware we have passed the Nebraska bill. I be- 
lieve it was a wise measure, and that it will have 
the effect of forever withdrawing the slavery con- 
test from Congress. And it is founded on the 



300 LEWIS CASS 

true American principle of allowing every political 
community to regulate its own domestic concerns 
for itself. I am aware that the measure has ex- 
cited a good deal of opposition in our State, but 
I believe that the more it is examined and becomes 
known, the more favor it will meet from reason- 
able men of both parties." ^ 

The repeal of the Missouri compromise came 
like a whirlwind upon the people of the North. 
At a time when the Federal Government was 
giving itself up to the demands of slavery, the 
sentiment of liberty was growing. The Demo- 
cratic party had surrendered to the South, but it 
was called to reckon with true democracy at the 
North. Many who had not been aroused hitherto 
now shouted for the sacredness of the bargain of 
1820. The awaited shock had come. Indignant 
Democrats who had voted for Pierce in 1852, 
thinking that the last word had been said for 
slavery, joined with Whigs who were haK gleeful 
that their boastful old-time enemies had not found 
such easy sailing, and half angry that the compro- 
mise of their own chieftain had been abandoned. 
Crystallization into a new party came at once. 
Emigrant aid societies and private benevolence 
armed the sturdy New Englander and hurried him 
off to the new Territory to hold the doubtful ground 
for liberty with the rifle. Earnest men in all the 
North, startled by seeing the last barrier broken, 
demanded an end of irresolution and trifling. 

^ Letter to Mr. J. H. Cleveland, Detroit. 



REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE 301 

The Whigs and the Democrats wlio were provoked 
to opposition wasted too much time and tliought 
on "breach of faith," and lamented with over- 
much sorrow the destruction of a geographical 
line, which had been for many years the bane of 
our politics. Such persons, however, were soon 
found hand in glove with the Free-Soilers, who 
saw in the obnoxious measure only an instance 
of the perfidy of slavery and the folly of compro- 
mises and bargains with sin. 

The Republican party was born in the North- 
west. It breathed its early life in that virile re- 
gion which had never felt the enervating influence 
of colonialism, in a section which was now filled 
with the power of a highly developed and organ- 
ized society, and yet had not lost the zeal, vital- 
ity, and energy of a primitive and newly settled 
country. Men of the young West easily free 
themselves from associations of party and leave 
the shallow ruts of custom. They do not know the 
burdening weight of tradition and inheritance, and 
they readily think for themselves and act as they 
think. The pioneer who has wrought his own 
work and fought his own. fight has no respect for 
prescription, and bases superiority on skill and 
endurance. Yet side by side with this marked 
individualism and independence, there is a gener- 
ous altruism and a comprehension of society. 
Lessons are learned from nature. Her breadth 
and liberality do not teach the settler selfishness. 
He may lose opportunities for refinement and 



302 LEWIS CASS 

culture, but his views are not limited to a narrow 
horizon. These characteristics display themselves 
variously; there is a deep, broad, and fervent 
love of country, an admiration of her greatness 
and an appreciation of her manifest destiny. Ge- 
ography teaches patriotism. "Vast prairies cov- 
ered by the unbroken dome of the sky, and navi- 
gable rivers all converging to a common trunk, 
perpetually suggest to him Unionism." ^ He is 
proud of the mightiness of the Kepublic. With- 
out acute susceptibility to criticism, he delights in 
praise of the grandeur and glory of his country. 
*'The true American is found in the Great Val- 
ley." Naturally, therefore, in 1854, old party 
trammels were soonest cast aside by the people of 
the Northwest. They most readily bent to the 
task of forming a party upon the corner-stone of 
unionism and freedom, a party opposed to state 
sovereignty and to a sectional constitutional inter- 
pretation which would shield wrong. They gave 
their strength to the party which advocated nation- 
alism. From 1854 until the close of the civil 
war, the upper part of the Great Valley was the 
centre of loyalty and Republicanism. Here was 
the early home of the new union-anti-slavery party, 
and it has never yet wandered far from its birth- 
place; every one of its successful candidates for 
the presidency has come from the old Northwest, 
and all its nominees, save one, have been Western 
men. 

^ Draper's History of the American Civil War, vol. i. p. 412. 



>> 



REPEAL OF THE JVUSSOURI COMniOMISE 303 

In addition to this natural tendency, there were 
two other reasons for the appearance of the Repub- 
lican party in the West, before tlie East was ready 
to break old party lines. The South long counted 
on the influence of commercial conservatism in the 
North, and it cannot be denied that this operated 
much more strongly in the mercantile centres of 
the East than in the farming West, which had 
few commercial relations with the cotton States. 
The second reason was an equally potent one. 
The Northwest was honeycombed by the under- 
ground railroad. The fugitives from service found 
their way to Canada by the shortest road, and the 
slave chase awakened Northwestern resentment. 

Upon the passage of the Nebraska bill there 
came a demand for a new party. Men who had 
never voted a Free-Soil ticket now avowed their 
willingness to support any candidate on a sound 
anti-slavery platform. The East, with its usual 
conservatism, hesitated to break old ties and to 
launch a new party without prestige and tradi- 
tions. Possibly the very first active suggestion 
of the new party came from the little town of 
Eipon, Wisconsin. There, in February, 1854, 
while the obnoxious act was under discussion in 
Congress, a local meeting was held, and the prin- 
cij)les for the coming emergency were considered. 
On March 20, in a town meeting, the committees 
of the Whig and Free-Soil parties were dissolved 
and a new committee was chosen, composed of 
three Whigs, one Free-Soiler, and one Democrat. 



304 LEWIS CASS 

Thus in miniature were the dissolution of the old 
and the formation of the new faithfully typified. 
The "solitary tallow candle" and the "little white 
schoolhouse " have become immortal in our history. 
In May, immediately after the passage of the 
Kansas-Nebraska bill, some thirty congressmen at 
Washington met and considered the formation of 
the " Republican " party. 

By that time the name was in the air. It was 
a question as to where and by whom it should be 
adopted. Horace Greeley, who had fought so 
valiantly against slavery, was getting disheartened. 
"I faintly hope the time has come predicted by 
Dan Webster when he said: ' I think there will 
be a North.' " The veterans of the East listened 
to calls from the excited Northwest. Editors " can 
direct and animate a healthy public indignation, 
but not create a soul beneath the ribs of Death." ^ 
Greeley wrote to Jacob M. Howard of Michigan, 
that Wisconsin on July 13 would adopt the name 
Republican, and he advised Michigan to anticipate 
such action in the convention summoned for the 
6th.2 But no such advice was needed ; the work 
of arousing interest in such a plan was already 
begun, and to Michigan belongs the honor of really 
conceiving and christening the Republican party. 
The "Detroit Tribune," June 2, formulated its 
proposition frankly: "Our proposition is that a 

^ Greeley, quoted in Fowler's History of the Bepublican Party, 
p. 163. 

2 Ibid., p. 173. 



REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE 305 

convention be called, Irrespective of party organi- 
zation, for the purpose of agreeing upon some plan 
of action that shall combine the whole anti-slavery 
sentiment of the State upon one ticket." Tho 
"call" published in that paper, said to be the 
work of Isaac P. Christiancy, began with the 
words, "A great wrong has been perpetrated." 
It invited all, "without reference to former politi- 
cal associations, who think the time has arrived 
for Union at the North to protect liberty from 
being overthrown and downtrodden, to assemble 
in mass convention, Thursday the sixth of July 
next, at one o'clock, at Jackson, there to take 
such measures as shall be thought best to concen- 
trate the popular sentiment of this State against 
the encroachments of the slave power." 

On that date, July 6, 1854, the Whigs and 
Free-Soilers, or the "Free Democracy" of Michi- 
gan, met and formed a single party. The name 
Kepublican was adopted. A powerful platform, 
attributed to Jacob M. Howard, was accepted as 
the basis of the new party. It resolved "That in 
view of the necessity of battling for the first prin- 
ciples of republican government and against the 
schemes of aristocracy, the most revolting and 
oppressive with which the world was ever cursed 
or man debased, we will cooperate and be known 
as Republicans until the contest be terminated." 
The strength of the new party was at once great. 
Wisconsin took the same position the next week. 
In the East the Whigs, as a rule, maintained 



306 LEWIS CASS 

their organization. The Northwest was on its feet 
and equipped for battle. 

Under these circumstances General Cass had 
a hard campaign in Michigan. The theory of 
"squatter sovereignty," which he first had amply 
unfolded to the world, was now made applicable 
to nearly all the Territories; but his own State 
had inaugurated an attack upon the doctrine, and 
in his own city strong men were loathing it. He 
spoke at length before the Democratic convention 
of Michigan in September, and took an active 
part in the campaign, ably defending his theory 
of the Constitution and the incompetence of Con- 
gress in territorial government. In the course of 
his speech before the convention he denounced 
slavery as a great social and political evil, asserted 
that he had said the same thing more than once 
in the Senate, and that he never entertained any 
other opinion regarding it. His whole career at- 
tests the truth of this. But the slaveholders, now 
keenly sensitive to unkind allusions, resented such 
unpleasant truths. The South fondly nursed the 
viper which was poisoning its life. The "Rich- 
mond Enquirer " arraigned Cass before the bar of 
popular judgment: "If this language be correctly 
given in the report of his speech, he has severed 
the last cord which bound him to the Democracy 
of the South." Cass had tried to do "justice" to 
both sections, and had fallen into disrepute with 
each. It is pathetic to see him left naked to his 
enemies after all his zealous service and honest 



REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE 307 

striving after duty, which in the corrupt currents 
of the world does not always lie in the trimming 
consideration of contesting principles. The "En- 
quirer" ranked him with those "illustrious apos- 
tates," Benton and Van Buren, "in the limbo of 
lost and dishonored politicians," — a trio, one 
would think, of no mean proportions. On No- 
vember 4, in a "grand rally " at Detroit, Cass 
elaborately defended his spoiled child, "squatter 
sovereignty." He took leave of the South, but 
avowed his purpose manfully to defend its consti- 
tutional rights. He pleaded with friends of the 
Union to be moderate and forbearing, so far as 
mere personal interests were concerned, but coun- 
seled that they be vigilant for the maintenance 
of justice and law. It was an able and noble 
speech. This man, who has been accused of vacil- 
lation and skillful legerdemain in politics, knew 
how to cling amid the abuse of foes, and of old- 
time friends, to a position which he thought right. 
The spirit of Henry Clay and of the past genera- 
tion permeated the speech of the 4th of November. 
It contained the old calmness, the fairness, and 
the judicial blindness which would not and could 
not see that moral enthusiasm was awakened, and 
that argument could no more lull it to sleep than 
whistling could calm a tempest. 

The result of the elections showed the strength 
of protest against the violation of the compromise. 
The Northwest vigorously supported the new party. 
Michigan elected the whole state ticket, and three 



308 LEWIS CASS 

out of four congressmen. Cass seemed ill requited 
for his services to the old party, but a comparison 
of the figures will prove that, though his influence 
had waned, it was still of weight. Two of the 
three congressmen elected in Wisconsin were Re- 
publicans. In Illinois, the Nebraska and Doug- 
las Democrats were 18,000 behind in the vote of 
the State, although two years before Pierce had 
had a clear majority of more than 5000 over 
Scott and Hale, the last having received less than 
10,000 votes. Even in Indiana the Republicans 
had a majority of some 14,000. Ohio, of course, 
came prominently forward. The old Western Re- 
serve district cast two Republican votes for every 
one cast for Nebraska and "squatter sovereignty." 
Maine was the only one of the Eastern States that 
adopted for the campaign the new name or elected 
a Republican ticket. 

The different elements in Northwestern life once 
more gave evidence of the power of inherited ideas 
and prejudices. The Southern element, as if in 
obedience to the famous words of King James's 
charter, 1609, advanced into the country on a line 
running "west and northwest," — its presence is 
evident in the southern counties of Indiana, — and 
running northward penetrated as far north as the 
centre of Illinois. In the northern tier of coun- 
ties, which were settled from New York and New 
England, the Republican vote was 8372, and the 
Nebraska vote 2776; in the ninth district, in the 
southern point, 2911 votes were cast for the Re- 



THE NORTHWEST FORMS A NEW PARTY 309 

publican candidate, and 8498 for the Democratic. 
Possibly the most characteristic and startling ex- 
ception, which proved the rule, was the vote of 
Madison County, the former home of Edward 
Coles, who moved from Virginia to Illinois to free 
his slaves, and left the impress of his character 
on the surrounding country. Madison County 
cast 2220 Republican ballots, and but 393 "for 
Nebraska." 

The great danger to the Republican party seemed 
to be the American party, — a S2ib rosa organiza- 
tion, which attempted to substitute another ques- 
tion for the slavery question, and to excite the 
people by holding up the spectre of Rome and the 
tyranny of Catholicism. This party was not built 
on the broad foundation of the necessity of pre- 
serving a pure ballot and free government by 
maintaining sound American doctrine and insist- 
ing upon good American intelligence as a basis 
for suffrage. Its platform was not so much its 
oft-repeated "America for Americans," as it was 
America for Protestants, and anything to avoid a 
decision on the real problems of the day. Its se- 
cret organization was at once an insult to the people 
and the assurance of its failure. No "order" 
having a hierarchy and degrees, and encumbering 
a political topic with paraphernalia and mystic 
symbolism, can rise to dignity in a free country 
and dominate a frank and thoughtful people, the 
very essence of whose institutions is common 
participation, common undertaking, and common 



310 LEWIS CASS 

judgment. So great, however, was the desire of 
men in those harrowing days to avoid responsibil- 
ity that this organization assumed alarming pro- 
portions, and threatened the success of the party 
which faced present realities. It served a purpose 
quite different from the one hoped for or contem- 
plated. Whigs and Democrats too obstinate or 
proud to transfer their allegiance at once to the 
Republicans took this secret passage, and finally 
emerged thence into good standing with the anti- 
slavery party, without the shame of having changed 
their coats in broad daylight. 

This organization appeared in 1852. At first 
it simply interrogated candidates, but in 1854 it 
masqueraded as a political party, and for a few 
years played its role not without some success. 
In some of the Eastern States, especially, it held 
its head high; and in the border States it long 
lingered, until Western Eepublicanism with its 
sense of present duty, sincerity, and actuality 
shamed it out of sight. The real name adopted 
by these whispering politicians was as silly as 
their purpose. "The Sons of '76, or the Order 
of the Star-Spangled Banner," was the title used 
in its inner mysterious circles. The sobriquet, 
"Know -Nothing,'* arose from the answers of its 
members, who uniformly replied "I don't know" 
to all inquiries as to the name and purpose of the 
organization ; only those who had taken the higher 
degrees knew its more serious intents or how am- 
bitiously it had been christened. No party can 



THE NORTHWEST FORMS A NEW PARTY 311 

hope to succeed in the United States which has 
but one aim, and that, too, not a political one. 
The success of the Republican party has often 
been cited to disprove such a statement and to 
furnish inspiration for new movements. The his- 
toric analogy is deceptive. The Republican party, 
although inspired with a truly moral purpose, was 
a political party, with a well - known and well- 
defined policy in affairs of state, and not simply 
a combination of enthusiasts burning with zeal 
for the realization of a single idea. The Know- 
Nothing party had no political virility. " It would 
seem," sneered Greeley, "as devoid of the ele- 
ments of persistence as an anti-cholera or an anti- 
potato-rot party would be."^ 

Such an im wholesome fungus was specially ob- 
noxious to Cass, who was peculiarly liberal and 
sympathetic. He was too much of a scholar to 
be a bigot, and too much a man of affairs to be 
a pedant. He lamented that such narrow and 
bitter intolerance could exist. "Mr. President," 
he said in the Senate, "strange doctrines are 
abroad, and strange organizations are employed 
to promulgate and enforce them. Our political 
history contains no such chapter in the progress 
of our country as that which is now opening. The 
grave questions of constitutionality and policy, 
which have been so long the battle-cry of parties, 
are contemptuously rejected, and intolerance, reli- 
gious and political, finds zealous, and it may be 

1 Whig Almanac, 1855, p. 23. 



312 LEWIS CASS 

they will prove successful, advocates, in this mid- 
dle of the nineteenth century, boasting with much 
self-complacency of its intelligence, and, in this 
free country, founded upon immigration, and grown 
powerful and prosperous by toleration. It is a 
system of proscription which would exclude the 
first general who fell at the head of an organized 
American army . . . from all political confidence, 
because he happened to be born on the wrong side 
of the Atlantic, and would exclude, also, the last 
surviving signer of the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence from any similar token of regard because 
he was a Catholic, were those eminent leaders in 
our revolutionary cause now living to witness this 
appeal to local and sectarian prejudices."^ This 
spirit of fanaticism and intolerance Cass unfortu- 
nately considered a part and parcel of that North- 
ern enthusiasm which had begotten the Republi- 
can party. He did not see that nativism was 
merely histrionic. Hamlet called to duty, feigns 
a silly madness, goes about unkempt, wreaks in 
sudden wrath unpremeditated vengeance on poor 
old Polonius, arranges a pretty mimicry of the 
murder in the garden, all to tickle his imagina- 
tion, consume time, and delay action. 

Resolutions from the legislature of Michigan 
were presented in the Senate, February 5, 1855, 
by Mr. Stuart, the colleague of General Cass, in- 
structing these two gentlemen, and requesting the 
representatives, to vote for an act prohibiting slav- 

1 Cong, Globe, vol. xxx. p. 556. 



THE NORTHWEST FORMS A NEW PARTY 313 

ery in the territories, and for the repeal of the 
Fugitive Slave Law. Cass replied at length, re- 
fusing to obey the dictates of a party which had 
suddenly and, as he believed, temporarily become 
possessed of the government of the State. When 
instructed before, he had acknowledged that such 
instructions were valid "under proper circum- 
stances," but asserted that there were "limitations 
upon this exercise." He now thought these limi- 
tations in force. He was fully persuaded that the 
adoption of the measure proposed "would be the 
signal for the breaking up of the government and 
the dissolution of the Confederacy." Mr. Stuart 
followed the example of his senior colleague. 

The South was alert in many directions during 
these years. Its appetite, only whetted by the 
acquisition of Texas and the West, those pleasing 
results of Southern "filibustering," craved more 
for slavery. Cuba, almost touching Florida, was 
provokingly near, and the South was tantalized 
by the propinquity. Not to speak of attempts at 
robbery, more than one attempt had been made in 
previous years to secure the island honorably. In 
1852 England and France suggested to the United 
States that the three countries pledge themselves 
not to make any effort to acquire Cuba. Our 
cauntry refused. In August, 1854, James Buch- 
anan, J. Y. Mason, and Pierre Soule, ministers 
to England, France, and Spain, were instructed 
to meet and to adopt measures for perfect concert 
of action directed to the end of obtaining Cuba 



314 LEWIS CASS 

from Spain. From Aix la Chapelle, in October, 
they issued what is known as the Ostend Mani- 
festo. After outlining how profitable and honor- 
able a sale of the "fair isle " would prove for 
Sjaain, this notorious document pointed to the 
needs of the United States in the premises, and 
contemplated the possible necessity of "wresting" 
the treasure from its owner. It was said that we 
should be "recreant to our duty and unworthy of 
our gallant forefathers, and commit base treason 
against our posterity, should we permit Cuba to 
be Africanized and become a second St. Domingo 
with all its attendant horrors to the white race, 
and suffer the flames to extend to our own neigh- 
boring shores, seriously to endanger, or actually 
to consume, the fair fabric of our Union." This 
shameful proclamation, characterized by the Re- 
publican platform of 1856 as "the highwaymen's 
plea, that might makes right," was at first scarcely 
credited in its enormity at home or abroad. It 
was not, however, discountenanced by the Pierce 
administration. The free American Republic held 
itself out to the world as the armed champion of 
slavery, and acknowledged its brutal indifference 
in the face of Christendom. The countries of 
Europe, too apt to hide larceny under the cloak 
of diplomacy, looked upon our avowed greed with 
a sense of awe, surprise, and shame at the inartis- 
tic nudity of our propositions, not covered even 
by respectable and cunning verbiage. 

Such schemes attracted the attention of Cass. 



THE NORTHWEST FORMS A NEW PARTY 315 

He had a never-failing ambition for his country 
and a never-ceasing suspicion of England. In 
February, 1854, he called the attention of the 
Senate to a speech delivered by Lord Chirendon, 
in which it was announced that on questions of 
policy the French and English nations were in 
entire accord in every part of the world. Cass 
then declared that this meant opposition to our ac- 
quisition of Cuba; and, though Lord Clarendon 
afterward, in referring to this statement, dis- 
claimed all such agreements or intentions, and 
was said to be "the most astonished man in Eu- 
rope at General Cass's construction of his speech," 
yet circvimstantial evidence strongly contradicts 
his denial. Alluding again in February, 1855, to 
the general subject of our foreign relations, after 
the issue of the Ostend Manifesto, Cass in a mas- 
terly speech resented the interference of foreign 
countries. Yet the stealing of Cuba he heartily 
condemned : " Such a case of rapacity will, I trust, 
never stain our annals." While condemning all 
allusions to "filibustering, and the bullying spirit 
of Democracy," and while irritated by the paternal 
tone of European nations, he did not forget common 
decency or advocate robbery in behalf of slavery. 

This buccaneering spirit, grown so great by 
feeding on the coarse meat of slavery, manifested 
itseK in many ways. An attempt was made to 
conquer and colonize Nicaragua and to give it up 
to the unique civilization of the South. The De- 
mocratic convention which nominated Buchanan 



316 LEWIS CASS 

actually proclaimed that the people of the United 
States could but "sympathize with the efforts 
which are being made by the people of Central 
America to regenerate that portion of the continent 
which covers the passage across the inter-oceanic 
isthmus." A belief in the "positive goodness" of 
slavery had made the South mad. This "regener- 
ating " process was unsuccessful. Moreover, those 
who had longed for more territory in the West 
now asked for more slaves to fill it. "We are 
losing Kansas," said the "Charleston Standard," 
in 1856, "because we are lacking in population." 
The only remedy seemed a reopening of the traffic 
which had been piracy for thirty years and more. 

The attitude of Cass on the questions of inter- 
national concern from 1850 to 1856 was not far 
from right. He made a number of very able 
speeches, all showing his old-time jealousy of in- 
terference by foreign powers. The Clayton-Bul- 
wer treaty he had accepted with the hope that it 
would settle some of our difficulties regarding 
Central America. But when England, desiring 
a substantial footing in that reentrant angle of our 
continent, began to quibble and demur, he ex- 
pressed his usual antipathy to what he considered 
her ambitious duplicity. The last speeches of his 
active life in the Senate exhibit little decline in 
vigor of thought and feeling. 

In the meantime the contest for the possession 
of Kansas was waging. Such scenes a modern 
American would wish to pass by with averted 



THE NORTHWEST FORMS A NEW PARTY 317 

eyes. Missouri poured armed ruffians over the 
border to bold tbe Territory for slavery, and for 
some time this element seemed to have its own 
way. A pro-slavery territorial government was 
established early in 1855 by wholesale fraud and 
intimidation. A series of acts were passed which 
savored of the blackest of the early laws of South 
Carolina. Governor Reeder vetoed such bills, but 
they were passed without hesitation over his veto. 
At the petition of the pro-slavery men he was re- 
moved, and Wilson Shannon of Ohio was named 
in his stead. At the outset this man apparently 
showed a zeal for ruffianism and barbarity, and 
in the end was incompetent. The Free-State men, 
in October, 1855, formed a constitution and, after 
the adoption of it by the people, they applied for 
admittance into the Union. In March, 1856, the 
House sent a committee, composed of William A. 
Howard of Michigan, John Sherman of Ohio, and 
Mordecai Oliver of Missouri, to examine the pro- 
ceedings in Kansas. The first two members de- 
clared in their report that elections were carried 
by fraud and violence, and that this constitution 
framed by the convention embodied the will of a 
majority of the people. A bill to admit Kansas 
under this free constitution, at first defeated in 
the House, was afterwards passed by a majority 
of two. The Senate, however, preferred to pass 
an act for authorizing the formation of a constitu- 
tion under which the Territory could be admit- 
ted. Cass was selected to propose the memorial 



318 LEWIS CASS 

of the Topeka legislature asking for the admit- 
tance of the State. Yet he was opposed to the 
recognition of an instrument agreed upon by "one 
portion " of the people. He was in favor of allow- 
ing the citizens of the Territory to vote fairly upon 
the question; but he did not approve of admitting 
the State under the Topeka Free State Constitu- 
tion above referred to, asserting that such a course 
would simply perpetuate ill feeling and division. 
On May 12 and 13, 1856, he spoke at length on 
this topic, severely arraigning Seward and others 
who tried to heap upon the administration the 
opprobrium of the anarchy of Kansas. 

Sumner followed Cass on the 19th and 20th. 
This famous speech reached the highest point in 
the denunciation of slavery and its devotees. The 
Northern men with Southern principles were de- 
nounced as bitterly as the Southern men with no 
principles. Senator Butler of South Carolina was 
depicted as the Don Quixote of slavery, accom- 
panied by Douglas as its very Sancho Panza. There 
was no cowardly mincing of terms, but the crime 
against Kansas was presented with all the burning 
eloquence of this classicist among American ora- 
tors. Because of his tendency to load his speech 
with overwrought and hyper - cunning phrases, 
and to burden it with historic allusions and Latin 
quotations, highly dramatic passages sometimes 
fell flat before an unappreciative audience. But 
now he was so much in earnest, so bitter in his 
intensity, that the galleries and the Senate listened 



THE NORTHWEST FORMS A NEW PARTY 319 

with breathless attention to his dariusr, scathinir 
attack, and watched him in bewilderment as he 
tore garment and veil from the fonl creature he de- 
tested. He ended with an appeal for the purity of 
the ballot and protection against violence, that free 
labor might not be blasted by unwelcome associa- 
tion with slave labor. " In dutiful respect for the 
early Fathers, whose asi)irations are now ignobly 
thwarted; in the name of the Constitution which 
has been outraged, of the laws trampled down — 
of justice banished — of humanity degraded — of 
peace destroyed — of freedom crushed to earth; and 
in the name of the Heavenly Father, whose service 
is perfect freedom, I make this last appeal." 

When Sumner sat down Cass rose. He had 
listened, he said, with equal regret and surjarise to 
this speech, "the most un-American and unpatriotic 
that ever grated on the ears of the members of this 
high body." Douglas followed with a highly per- 
sonal and offensive speech, ranting like a common 
scold, and storming about with wild and uncouth 
gesticulations. Sumner's reply to these respond- 
ents so amply discloses his estimate of the charac- 
ter of each that it merits passing attention. The 
following reference to Cass shows the respect of 
this ardent anti-slavery man, and goes far to dis- 
prove the groundless attacks upon Cass's conduct 
and character which became so common at the 
North in the heat of the slavery discussion : " The 
senator from Michigan knows full well that nothing 
can fall from me which can have anvthing but 



320 LEWIS CASS 

kindness for him. He has said on the floor to- 
day that he listened to my speech with regret. I 
have never avowed on this floor how often, with 
my heart brimming full of friendship for him, I 
have listened with regret to what has fallen from 
his lips." Douglas was treated to a eastigation, 
which must have made the "Little Giant " squirm, 
bold as he was. "No person with the upright 
form of a man can be allowed, without violation 
of all decency, to switch out from his tongue the 
perpetual stench of offensive personality." These 
parallel passages illustrate the kindness felt for 
the sincere, earnest, scholarly, mistaken advocate 
of "squatter sovereignty," and the dislike for the 
younger advocate of the same false doctrine. 

This speech, too caustic and trenchant to be re- 
ceived with calmness by Southern members, was 
ground for personal assault. Preston S. Brooks, 
a member of the House from South Carolina, took 
it upon himself to avenge the honor of the South 
and his State. A day or two after the speech was 
delivered, he entered the senate chamber, and find- 
ing Mr. Sumner at his desk he brutally attacked 
him, striking him over the head with a heavy 
walking cane, and leaving him bruised and insen- 
sible on the floor. It was years before Sumner 
recovered his health and strength sufficiently to 
continue his duties, and he was never again the 
same man; his physical vigor was permanently 
impaired. His empty chair long stood as a mute 
appeal to the thoughtful lovers of justice. 



THE NORTHWEST FORMS A NEW PARTY 321 

Cass was elected by the Senate a member of a 
committee to investigate the circumstances of the 
assault. It is to be regretted that he did not find 
words to denounce such a shameful attack upon 
free speech. The Senate committee reported lack 
of jurisdiction, and the House of Kepresentatives 
was unable to secure the necessary two thirds for 
the expulsion of Brooks. Because of the implied 
censure in the resolutions, however, he resigned, 
and asserted that the House had no jurisdiction 
over him. He was quickly reelected by his dis- 
trict, where he was received with enthusiasm and 
affection. "Hit him again," were the words of 
admonition from his constituents, and the Southern 
papers applauded his "elegant and effectual " blows. 
This assault, as much as any other one thing, 
opened the eyes of the North to the brutality, the 
roughness, and the hopeless vulgarity of the "di- 
vine institution." "There is no denying the hu- 
miliating fact," said the "Springfield Kepublican," 
"that this country is under the reign of ruffian- 
ism. The remedy for ruffianism is in a united 
North." The disease begat the remedy. 

The campaign of 1856 followed close upon these 
exciting events. The Democratic National Con- 
vention met in Cincinnati in June. Buchanan 
had the lead from the start, and was nominated. 
In answer to a letter signed by Andrew F. Web- 
ster and others in November of 1855, Cass said 
that he did not desire to have his name used in 
the convention ; but some of the delegates insisted 



322 LEWIS CASS 

on voting for him. He received only five votes 
on the first ballot, and at no time showed great 
strength, though retaining a few faithful adherents 
to the end. John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky 
was nominated as vice-president. The convention 
adopted a platform on the old lines, repudiating 
"all sectional parties . . . whose avowed pur- 
pose, if consummated, must end in civil war and 
disunion." "Non-interference " was once more 
proclaimed the sovereign remedy. The American 
party put Fillmore in nomination, and he attracted 
the few Whigs who still answered to the name. 
The Republicans, holding their first national con- 
vention at Philadelphia, selected as their candi- 
dates John C. Fremont of California and William 
L. Dayton of New Jersey. The platform was 
definite and decided. It recounted the crimes 
against Kansas, and advocated its immediate ad- 
mission as a State under a free constitution; it 
denied "the authority of Congress, of a territorial 
legislature, of any individual or association of in- 
dividuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any 
Territory of the United States," and proclaimed 
its belief that Congress had ''*' sovei^eign power over 
the Territories of the United States." The issue 
between the two great parties was sharply drawn. 
One announced that Congress had authority over 
the Territories, and was in duty bound to exercise 
it for the prevention of slavery. The other ad- 
vocated the uniform application of the "demo- 
cratic principle " of non-interference in "the organ- 



THE NORTHWEST FORMS A NEW PARTY 323 

ization of the Territories and the admission of new 
States." 

The campaign was one of the most serious, ear- 
nest, and enthusiastic in our history. Fremont, 
because of his romantic career and personal charms, 
was easily converted into an ideal champion, 
strongly appealing to the imagination and the 
affection of the vigorous young party of freedom. 
Everywhere in the North went up the rallying cry, 
"Free soil, free speech, free men, and Fremont." 
The times were not yet ripe for complete success. 
The Democratic party gained the day, carrying 
every Southern State save Maryland, which gave 
itself up to Know-Nothingism. But such a vic- 
tory was the victory of Pyrrhus. The Republi- 
cans cast more votes in the free States than did 
the Democrats. In the East only Pennsylvania 
and New Jersey, in the West only Illinois, In- 
diana, and California cast their electoral votes for 
the Democratic candidate. In the first of these 
alone, Buchanan's own State, did the Democrats 
outnumber the Republicans and Know-Nothings 
combined. The "sectional party " exhibited a 
wonderful vigor. The threat was often heard in 
the campaign that its success meant the separation 
of the Union. From the time of this election that 
was a standing menace. 

It was a source of regret to Cass that a party 
with a "sectional" aim should find support in the 
country. For above all else he loved the Union, 
and he hoped against hope that harmony would 



324 LEWIS CASS 

be restored by the old sedatives with which he was 
familiar. Michigan, so long faithful to him, now 
gave Fremont a popular plurality of nearly twenty 
thousand, and elected a legislature with an over- 
whelming Republican majority. January 10, 
1857, Zachariah Chandler was elected to succeed 
the great advocate of popular sovereignty, whose 
doctrine his own State now so vehemently con- 
demned. Of 106 votes cast by both Houses of 
the legislature, Cass received only 16. His defeat 
was a great triumph for the Republicans of the 
nation. Though they had failed to elect their 
"Pathfinder" president, they felt as if the signal 
rebuke administered by Michigan was equivalent 
to a victory. 

Meanwhile matters were in a woeful condition 
in stricken Kansas. Governor Shannon had re- 
signed in despair, feeling, as he afterwards ex- 
pressed it, as if one might as well attempt "to 
govern the Devil in hell" as to govern Kansas. 
John W. Geary of Pennsylvania succeeded to the 
trust. The Territory was literally in a state of 
war. While the marching and counter -marching 
of election parades were exciting the enthusiasm 
of the people of the States, men in the harassed 
Territory carried the rifle instead of the campaign 
torch, and filled their pouches with powder and 
shot as the most eloquent campaign arguments. 
Before the opening of the new year the fighting 
seemed to have ceased, though each party held its 
breath expectantly. The Free State government 



THE NORTHWEST FORMS A NEW PARTY 325 

still claimed legal and effective existence, while 
the territorial legislature, described as a "vulgar, 
illiterate, hiccoughing rout," plotted and planned 
for slavery. Governor Geary, suspecting the sin- 
cerity of the administration, and perceiving that 
the election of Buchanan meant a victory for pro- 
slavery partisanship in Kansas, resigned March 
4, 1857. The history of the remaining months of 
the year is quickly told. Robert J. Walker of 
Mississippi, appointed to succeed Governor Geary, 
prevailed upon the Free State men to cease dally- 
ing longer with their mythical state constitution, 
and to join in the territorial elections of the au- 
tumn. As a consequence, these resulted in the 
choice of a Free State legislature. In the mean- 
time, however, a convention summoned by the old 
pro-slavery legislature had met at Lecompton and 
adopted a constitution recognizing slavery. It was 
submitted to the people; but instead of being 
allowed to cast a ballot either for or against the 
constitution, they were compelled to choose between 
adopting it "with slavery" or "without slavery." 
The Free State men refused to vote, and it conse- 
quently received a great majority of the ballots 
cast. The Lecompton constitution, thus adopted 
by the pro-slavery voters of the Territory, was ac- 
cepted by the President, and the next year it was 
actually recognized by the Senate, although mean- 
while, on a fair ballot, it had been emphatically 
rejected by the people. By the early part of 1858 
the pro-slavery party was so hopelessly in the 



326 LEWIS CASS 

minority that the only question was whether Kan- 
sas should be admitted as a free State or barred 
out entirely. In fact, not until the withdrawal of 
the Southern senators, after the election of Lin- 
coln, did the Senate consent to its admission with 
a constitution forbidding slavery. 

The Kansas trouble is a long and bloody disser- 
tation on the theme of popular sovereignty. The 
immigrants from the free States had won the day 
against slavery. Kansas was saved, not by the 
Republican party, nor by the abolitionists, who 
talked and agitated, but by the men who went to 
the spot to express their "sovereignty" and to 
fight for freedom. It must be confessed that, as 
far as saving the Territories from becoming slave 
States is concerned, popular sovereignty had not 
been unsuccessful. But no one cared to see again 
the disgraceful scramble and the rough-and-tumble 
contest for vantage ground. By the beginning of 
Buchanan's administration many Democrats began 
to deny that the people of a Territory had a right 
to regulate the subject of slavery, save by deter- 
mining, at the moment of their entering the Union, 
whether they should come in as a free or a slave 
State. To the people of the South popular sover- 
eignty had become so objectionable, because of its 
failure for their purposes, that it was openly 
spurned, and recourse was had to the solid ground 
of Calhoun's dogmas: that slaves were property, 
and that the United States government was in 
duty bound to protect such property everywhere. 



THE NORTHWEST FORMS A NEW PARTY 327 

Opposed to this was the assertion of the Republi- 
cans: that slaves were not property save by the 
"municipal" law of certain States; that Congress 
could not and must not, by act or omission to act, 
allow the Territories of the Union to be sullied by 
the foot of a slave. 

Buchanan, in his inaugural, while reaffirming 
the right of the people of a Territory to decide for 
themselves what their constitution should be, took 
all the pith and marrow from the doctrine of popu- 
lar sovereignty by doubting their right to such a 
determination, except at the time of their forming 
a state constitution. He humbly referred the mat- 
ter, however, to the Supreme Court, of whose 
coming decision he seems to have had knowledge. 

The Dred Scott decision, March, 1857, did not 
help matters. The solemn statement, coming from 
a portion of a divided court, of the great historical 
falsehood that negroes were not and could not 
become citizens; the promulgation of an obiter 
dictum calculated to have effect in the domain of 
politics; the assertion that the Missouri comj^ro- 
mise was beyond the competence of Congress, that 
slaves were property when taken into the Territo- 
ries, and that all "needful rules and regulations" 
of Congress must respect the private property of 
the slave-owner, — all this simply awakened the 
Republican party to greater effort. Wrong now 
came clothed in the ermine of justice. Effort 
must not cease until the disgraceful decision was 
blotted from the records of the court. 



CHAPTER XI 

SECRETARY OF STATE. — SECESSION. — THE LAST 

YEARS 

For the sake of as much perspicuity as limited 
space would allow, the history of "bleeding Kan- 
sas" under border ruffians has been thus briefly 
outlined, and the contest of arguments until the 
secession of the Southern States has been suggested 
in advance. It will now be necessary to turn from 
internal politics and the hurly-burly of the ap- 
proaching "irrepressible conflict," and to look into 
the quieter paths of administration and diplomacy. 
Cass's more active career ended with the 4th of 
March, 1857. He remained a political mentor to 
many in his party and took a sad interest in the 
never-abating struggle; but he was old, the excite- 
ment of continual controversy was distasteful, and 
his new position fortimately gave him employment 
for which his experience and talents well fitted him. 
He accepted the office of secretary of state from 
President Buchanan, and entered upon his duties 
at once. His companions in the cabinet were 
Howell Cobb of Georgia, secretary of the treasury ; 
John B. Floyd of Virginia, secretary of war; Isaac 
Toucey of Connecticut, secretary of the navy; 



SECRETARY OF STATE 329 

Aaron V. Brown of Tennessee, postmaster-gen- 
eral; Jacob Thompson of Mississippi, secretary 
of the interior; and Jeremiah S. Black of Penn- 
sylvania, attorney-general. This cabinet was an 
able one, but its four Southern members well indi- 
cated that the body of the Democratic j)arty was 
in the South, and that an administration had be- 
gun which would treat slavery with tenderness and 
handle secession with gloves. 

A number of interesting diplomatic problems 
were offered for solution during the years of Cass's 
secretaryship. The Clayton-Bulwer treaty pre- 
sented the usual amount of uncertainty and em- 
barrassment, and an even more serious cause of 
disagreement with Great Britain came up for con- 
sideration. By a strange irony of fortune the 
most important correspondence conducted by the 
foreign office during Buchanan's administration 
had to do with the right of search and with the 
irritating claims put forth by Great Britain of a 
right to examine our vessels to determine whether 
they were slavers. In the celebrated controversy 
between Mr. Webster and Mr. Cass in 1842-43, 
the latter had contended that our government 
should have stipulated or at least vigorously as- 
serted that such aggressions were illegal and must 
be stopped. In the letters with which he so ut- 
terly "demolished" the petulant ex-minister, Mr. 
Webster declared that such a stipulation was need- 
less. Now the question arose anew under more 
unfortunate circumstances. 



330 LEWIS CASS 

It could not be denied that during the years of 
Buchanan's administration the South was hungry 
for more slaves. Its woeful defeat in the Territo- 
ries, and its continual failure to hold its own in 
wealth and population in comparison with the 
North, directed its eyes to the only means of com- 
petition, the increase of the dead weight of the 
laboring population. In many portions of the 
South the reopening of the slave trade was pub- 
licly advocated. Governor Adams of South Caro- 
lina, in 1857, denounced the laws which forbade 
the traffic. During the succeeding year the same 
yearnings were exhibited by remarks in conven- 
tions and by paragraphs in the Southern papers. 
The genial soil of Florida received many new car- 
goes of inhabitants, and the vessels of the com- 
mercial North lent their aid to the infamous trade. 
But English cruisers, altogether too zealous in 
hatred of the nefarious commerce, appeared off 
the coast of Cuba and in the Gulf of Mexico with 
orders to search merchantmen suspected of carry- 
ing slaves. However laudable the object, its ex- 
ecution was exasperating as well as absolutely un- 
justifiable. In the spring of 1858 the Gulf of 
Mexico and neighboring waters frequented by 
American merchantmen were patroled by a police 
force of British cruisers in a manner calculated to 
incense all sections of the country and the mem- 
bers of all political parties. American vessels 
were searched, or "visited," as the English would 
say in more polite parlance, with an insolence 



SECRETARY OF STATE 331 

which awakened the animosity of the veiy haters 
of slavery. 

In April, 1858, in response to a call from the 
Senate for information concerning the slave trade, 
the secretaries of state and of the navy furnished 
dispatches and correspondence. Although our gov- 
ernment professed becoming zeal in the matter, it 
was evident that the efforts of the British and the 
American cruisers on the coast of Africa were not 
efficacious. The slave trade was flourishing. In 
May the President responded to another call from 
the Senate for information about search or seizure 
in the Gulf of Mexico. The correspondence sent 
in by Secretary Cass showed atrocious interfer- 
ence with our commerce by English cruisers ; some 
of our vessels were fired upon, and a number 
searched after the insulting fashion which marked 
so much of our treatment from England before 
1861. Warlike sj)eeches followed in Congress. 
At the suggestion of Cass, war vessels were sent 
into Southern waters, while he prepared to contest 
the case with the English government in diplo- 
matic dispatches. 

He entered gladly into the controversy, for the 
circumstances seemed powerfully to vindicate his 
arguments in his correspondence with Webster. 
On April 10 he wrote to Lord Napier an able let- 
ter. He denied that there was any fundamental 
difference between "visit" and "search." The 
right to examine and pass upon a vessel's national 
character and identity he denied. "To permit 



332 LEWIS CASS 

a foreign officer to board the vessel of another 
power, to assume command in her, to call for and 
examine her papers, to pass judgment upon her 
character, to decide the broad inquiry, whether 
she is navigated according to law, and to send her 
in at pleasure for trial, cannot be submitted to by 
any independent nation without dishonor."^ He 
announced the principle, which makes perfectly 
clear and reasonable the distinction for which he 
had always contended between searching a real 
and a spurious American vessel. It had been 
argued that if American vessels could not be vis- 
ited and investigated, any foreign ship, even one 
belonging to a nation which had a treaty with 
England allowing search for the prevention of the 
slave trade, might carry on such trade with impu- 
nity by merely hoisting the American flag. In 
the following words the secretary cleared the sub- 
ject of its fog : " A merchant vessel upon the high 
seas is protected by her national character. He 
who forcibly enters her does so upon his own re- 
sponsibility. Undoubtedly, if a vessel assume a 
national character to which she is not entitled, 
and is sailing under false colors, she cannot be 
protected by the assumption of a nationality to 
which she has no claim. As the identity of a 
person must be determined by the officer bearing 
a process for his arrest, and determined at the 
risk of such officer, so must the national identity 
of a vessel be determined, at the like hazard to 
1 Senate Documents, toI. xii., 1857-58. 



SECRETARY OF STATE 333 

him, who, doubting the flag she displays, searches 
her to ascertain her true character. There no 
doubt may be circumstances which may go far to 
modify the complaints a nation would have a right 
to make for such a violation of its sovereignty. 
If the boarding officer had just grounds for suspi- 
cion, and deported himself with propriety in the 
performance of his task, doing no injury, and 
peaceably retiring when satisfied of his error, no 
nation would make such an act the subject of 
serious reclamation." This was much the same 
as the logic of his pamphlet issued in 1842, and 
which had been so unjustly condemned as "incon- 
clusive." In fact it was sound, conclusive, and 
unanswerable. From the early years of his gov- 
ernorship Cass had pondered this subject, and he 
was now prepared to write the exhaustive dispatch 
which contained the thought of years in its irrefu- 
table arguments. His quotations from English 
authorities were so appropriate and his reasoning 
so true that the English government had perforce 
to abandon a claim which had been a source of 
vexation and annoyance since the definitive treaty 
of 1783. Various communications passed between 
the two countries after the writing of this impor- 
tant dispatch of April 10. Cass insisted that 
search and visitation must cease. On June 8, 
1858, G. M. Dallas, our minister to the court of 
St. James, wrote to our foreign office the summary 
of one of the most important interviews in the 
diplomatic history of the United States. 



334 LEWIS CASS 

Beginning his letter somewhat disconsolately, 
Mr. Dallas continued; "I had written thus far 
when I was obliged to hurry off and keep an en- 
gagement to meet Lord Malmesbury at his resi- 
dence in Whitehall Gardens at twelve o'clock, 
and I returned after an hour's interview with a 
result little expected when I went. 

"Something within the last twelve hours had 
shifted his lordship's mind to an opposite point 
of the compass. He talked a great deal and I 
listened. He was anxious to fix as precisely as 
possible what the American government wanted 
on the right of search, and I said, in as gentle 
a manner as could be distinct: ' Discontinuance, 
nothing more, nothing less; that, at all events, 
was my present aim. General Cass had the broad 
subject between himself and Lord Napier, and I 
was not authorized to meddle with that.' He re- 
curred to your admirable letter of the 10th of 
April last, lying before him, and read a number 
of passages. He expressed his entire assent with 
your position on international laws on the illegal- 
ity of visit or search except by conventional agree- 
ment, and seemed full of admiration for its ability. 
... In fine, we came to an understanding." ^ 
A minute of the conference, written by Lord 
Malmesbury himself, gave proof of the withdrawal 
of Great Britain from the position she had held 
so long and so provokingly. "Her Majesty's gov- 
ernment recognizes the principle of international 
^ Senate Docs. 2d Sess. 35th Cong., vol. i. p. 34. 



SECRETARY OF STATE 335 

law as laid down by General Cass in his note of 
the 10th of April." ^ In his annual message of 
December 6, 1858, President Buchanan said: "I 
am gratified to inform you that the long-pending 
controversy between the two governments, in rela- 
tion to the question of visitation and search, has 
been amicably adjusted." ^ During the succeeding 
year, correspondence was' conducted between Sec- 
retary Cass and the English and French govern- 
ments, which resulted in the agreement upon cer- 
tain rules and instructions to seamen, concerning 
the right of visitation. Singular enough does it 
seem to see the government of Great Britain ex- 
plicitly telling her naval officers that "no mer- 
chant vessel navigating the high seas is subject to 
any foreign jurisdiction. A vessel of war cannot, 
therefore, visit, detain, or seize (except under the 
treaty) any merchant vessel not recognized as be- 
longing to her own nation." ^ The commanders 
- of her ships of war were instructed to treat vessels 
bearing a foreign flag with the utmost deference ; 
only under cases of the strongest suspicion might 
they stop a ship and examine her papers for the 
purpose of ascertaining her real character, and 
then for such conduct an officer must consider 
himself as possibly responsible for damages, inas- 
much as any unjustifiable inquiry would be basis 

^ Senate Docs. 2d Sess. 35th Cong., vol. i. p. 35. See also, pp. 
36-39, ibid. 

2 Ibid., p. 12. 

^ Senate Docs. 1st Sess. 36th Cong. , p. 78. The italics are my 
own. 



336 LEWIS CASS 

for a claim for indemnity.^ Our government sent 
substantially similar instructions to the command- 
ers of our African fleet. Because of other excit- 
ing topics, the greatness of this diplomatic victory 
attracted comparatively little attention. Yet it 
was one of the most just and most brilliant tri- 
umphs of which to this day our diplomacy can 
boast. The withdrawal of England's claims to 
extra-territorial jurisdiction has never been asso- 
ciated as it should be with the name and fame of 
Cass, who pushed his argument so strongly and 
clinched it so effectively. Unfortunately for him 
his distinguished success in this business was 
thrown into obscurity by the lowering clouds of 
secession and rebellion, portentous of the awful 
catastrophe of 1861. 

Serious difficulties with Mexico during Presi- 
dent Buchanan's administration also called forth 
many dispatches from our foreign office, which 
are full of dignified American feeling and replete 
with pithy maxims of sound international law. 
The governments of Mexico were at this time turn- 
ing on their axes in a series of well-executed revo- 
lutions, performed with such rapidity that our 
government scarcely knew in whom to recognize 
the legitimate authority. General Cass's message 
to Mr. McLane, minister resident to that country, 
contains an application of the Monroe doctrine 
very succinctly worded : " While we do not deny 
the right of any other power to carry on hostile 
1 Senate Docs. 1st Sess. 36th Cong., p. 78. 



SECRETARY OF STATE 337 

operations against Mexico, for the redress of its 
grievances, we firmly object to its holding posses- 
sion of any part of that country, or endeavoring 
by force to control its political destiny." Had 
it been possible for our government to adhere to 
this policy, the interference of the French and 
the unhappy fate of Maximilian might have been 
averted. 

The best known and not the least important of 
Cass's dispatches and instructions is one sent by 
him to our various representatives in Europe, 
June 27, 1859, on the outbreak of the Italian war. 
It outlined the neutral character and policy of the 
United States, and defined our position on the 
subject of commercial blockades in such judicious 
terms that his words have since been frequently 
quoted by writers on the law of nations. But 
general rules in such a matter are dangerous. 
Only two years before the Rebellion, when our 
government established the most extensive com- 
mercial blockade ever made effective and legiti- 
mate in the history of the world, and that too 
under circumstances which go far to shake any 
a priori arguments concerning the right of such 
action, our secretary of state entered into a long 
and learned disquisition, asserting the injustice of 
any but very limited, definite, and effectual re- 
strictions upon commercial intercourse. This same 
dispatch contained a smnmary of the attitude of 
the United States toward the treaty of Paris and 
the rights of neutrals. 



338 LEWIS CASS 

While engaged in the congenial work of diplo- 
macy Cass could not lose sight of the disturbed 
condition of the country in internal politics. The 
growth of the Republican party, protesting against 
the Dred Scott case and the injustice to Kansas, 
seemed so perilous to the South during the later 
years of Buchanan's administration, that threats of 
secession in case of its final success were made with 
frankness. Cass, more than many of the promi- 
nent men of the time, saw and felt the impending 
danger. The violence of political feeling, the viru- 
lence of party action, the antipathy to slavery, and 
the hatred of Southern bravado, which no State 
exhibited better than his own, affected the old 
statesman with misgivings, and filled the last days 
of his active life with acute grief and foreboding. 

Singularly simple in its real meaning, the cam- 
paign of 1860 seems, at first sight, unusually in- 
tricate and complex. The Democratic party was 
split into two factions. The first was composed 
of those who were unwilling to give themselves 
up entirely to Southern dictation, or to turn their 
backs on the doctrine of "squatter sovereignty," 
which had carried them through the last two elec- 
tions ; they clung to old principles, though profess- 
ing a willingness to abide by the decisions of the 
Supreme Court. They nominated Stephen A. 
Douglas for president and Herschel V. Johnson 
of Georgia for vice-president. The Southern wing 
of the Democracy, with those Northern men who 
were willing to accept the Dred Scott case and to 



SECRETARY OF STATE 339 

see in it a final decision establishing the legality 
of slavery in the Territories, nominated John C. 
Breckinridge of Kentucky and Josej^h Lane of 
Oregon. A third ticket was presented by a party 
styling itself the Constitutional Union party, a 
mere reminiscence of the days when words were 
called upon to fill political chasms and to conceal 
facts. The nominees of this party were John Bell 
of Tennessee and Edward Everett of Massachu- 
setts. It stood for union under the laws and the 
> Constitution, which could mean nothing when the 
question was, "What are the laws and the Consti- 
tution?" The Republican party, meeting in con- 
vention at Chicago, nominated Abraham Lincoln 
of Illinois and Hannibal Hamlin of Maine. Theirs 
was a Northern platform, denouncing the sj)read 
of slavery and denying the power of Congress or 
of any territorial legislature to legalize slavery in 
the Territories. The jDojDular tactics of the man- 
agers of the party, and their shrewdness in appeal- 
ing to the enthusiasm as well as the moral motives 
of the people, insured success against the quarrel- 
ing factions of the enemy. The old Northwest 
was faithful to its party and its principle, even 
Illinois giving Lincoln a clear majority over all of 
nearly 5000, while Michigan gave over 20,000, 
and Ohio a plurality of nearly 45,000. The North 
was solid, with the exception of New Jersey, which 
was divided. Lincoln was elected by a popular 
plurality of 491,654, and by a decided electoral 
majority. 



340 LEWIS CASS 

The Republican victory furnished excuse for 
putting into active operation the plots for seces- 
sion which had been long contemplated by the 
advanced conspirators of the South. On Novem- 
ber 10 a bill to raise and equip 10,000 volunteers 
was introduced into the legislature of South Caro- 
lina, and her senators resigned their seats in Con- 
gress. The Gulf States fell into line with some 
hesitation, while the border States held back, de- 
ploring the hasty action of the more slave -cursed 
States of the South. The cabinet, of which Gen- 
eral Cass was a member, was the centre if not the 
source of the conspiracy. From it flowed sugges- 
tion and inspiration for the active agitators in the 
South ; into it percolated all the sly schemes and 
wily devices of the crafty leaders of the Rebellion. 
Floyd, the secretary of war, Thompson, the secre- 
tary of the interior, Cobb, the secretary of the 
treasury, were engaged in correspondence with 
the enemies of the Union, furnishing them with 
munitions of war, treasonably using their author- 
ity and the resources of the nation, filling the 
vacillating mind of the wavering President with 
gloomy fears and excuses for delay. Buchanan, 
lacking the courage to follow out any distinct line 
of policy, contented himself with argument and 
appeal. The assistant secretary of state was an 
active conspirator for secession, even before the 
election. 

Cass himself held a fair and consistent position. 
Lamenting the threatened disruption of the Union, 



SECRETARY OF STATE 341 

he was not ready to yield every point for the sake 
of avoiding trouble. "At a cabinet meeting, held 
November 9, General Cass spoke with much ear- 
nestness and feeling about the impending crisis, 
admitted fully all the great wrongs and outrages 
which had been committed against the South by 
Northern fanaticism, and deplored it. But he was 
emphatic in his condemnation of the doctrine of 
secession by any State from the Union. He 
doubted the efficacy of the appeal for a convention, 
but seemed to think it might be well enough to try 
it. He spoke warmly in favor of using force to 
coerce a State that attempted to secede." This is 
the testimony of Secretary Floyd himself. Though 
it is doubtful if Cass ever emphatically acknow- 
ledged the right to coerce a State as such, his 
opinions were substantially those here attributed 
to him. He was decidedly for the Union. The 
conspiracy widened and deepened. The secretary 
of war, openly disowning secession, covertly gave 
secret information to the foes of the government, 
who knew before it was transmitted to Congress 
what would be the position of the President in his 
message to Congress in December. 

General Cass seems, at least at first, to have 
acquiesced in the general tenor of the President's 
message, so far as the theoretical relation between 
the national government and the States was con- 
cerned. Secretary Floyd tells us that when portions 
of it were first read to the cabinet for approval 
Cass heartily commended it ; for it then inculcated, 



342 LEWIS CASS 

it seems, submission to Lincoln's election, and 
perhaps even intimated the use of force to compel 
such submission. The document, when finished, 
presented a combination of power and weakness 
in the central government which were conditions 
of complete inertia. After charging the present 
unpleasantness upon the sectional antipathy of the 
North, the message gave a detailed argument on 
the subject of secession and the powers of the na- 
tional government — secession is illegal, the union 
is by nature indissoluble, but there is no power in 
Congress or in any branch of the federal govern- 
ment to compel a State to remain in the Union ; 
it is the duty of the President to enforce the laws ; 
but, if it is impracticable to do so by the ordinary 
methods, as at present in South Carolina, Con- 
gress should determine whether or not existing 
laws should be amended to carry out eifectuaUy 
the objects of the Constitution; amendments to 
the Constitution are advisable. The last proposi- 
tion was absurd. The amendments suggested would 
have granted all the South had contended for, and 
would have nullified the voice of the people as 
expressed in the last election. 

The subtle principles of law propounded by the 
President were too finely spun to be readily ac- 
cepted by the practical people of the North. That 
immaterial entity, the State, may be incapable 
of coercion, may not be within reach of the iron 
hand of the law; the federal government under 
the Constitution may not have been expressly 



SECRETARY OF STATE 343 

given power to wage war upon a recalcitrant State; 
one of the great instruments of that great sover- 
eignty, the people of the United States, may- 
refuse to perform its functions; but the federal 
authority comes into contact with individuals, and 
they can be held to their allegiance ; the property 
of the federal state can and must be protected, 
and its laws must act and its writs must run 
within the borders of every State; war upon States 
is unnecessary, for an indestructible State, though 
refusing to perform its functions, can never cease 
to be a member of an indestructible Union. Such 
sound, practical sense soon found its place in the 
minds of the sobered people of the North, although 
not for months were they fully aroused to fight 
for its logical conclusions and assert in arms that 
the nation was an organic whole. But argument 
was unnecessary and entirely beside the mark ; it 
was the duty of the executive to enforce the laws. 
Even Buchanan admitted that the central govern- 
ment operated directly on persons. There was, 
as yet, no practical instance of secession, and if 
the President had held firmly in his hands the 
reins of government, quickly dismissed the con- 
spiring secessionists from his cabinet, used his 
power as the executive and commander-in-chief to 
protect the property and enforce the laws of the 
United States, there is good reason to think that 
secession would have meant less in our history. 

Though apparently agreeing with the argument 
of the message, and believing that a State could 



344 LEWIS CASS 

not be coerced, Cass was not willing to admit that 
the federal government was impotent.^ At vari- 
ous cabinet meetings he insisted that the forts in 
Charleston harbor should be reinforced, and that, 
in view of the well-known conspiracy to disobey 
the laws, steps should be taken to strengthen the 
hand of the government in the Southern States. 
On December 13 he made a last effort to convince 
the President of the necessity of such action, but 
he was rebuffed. "These forts," he said, "must 
be strengthened. I demand it." "I am sorry to 
differ from the secretary of state," the President 
replied. "I have made up my mind. The inter- 
ests of the country do not demand a reinforcement 
of the forces in Charleston. I cannot do it, and 
I take the responsibility on myself." The next 
day 2 General Cass handed in his resignation as 

^ " Not recognizing any right in a State to secede except as a 
revolutionary measure, General Cass would have resisted the 
attempt at the commencement, and, as the sworn oflBcer of the 
United States, he would have done his utmost to preserve its in- 
tegrity. ' I speak to Cable,' he would say, ' and he tells me he is 
a Georgian ; to Floyd, and he tells me he is a Virginian ; to you, 
and yoix tell me you are a Carolinian. I am not a Michigander : 
I am a citizen of the United States. The laws of the United 
States bind you, as they bind me, individually ; if you, the citi- 
zens of Georgia, or Virginia, or Carolina, refuse obedience to them, 
it is my sworn duty to enforce them.' " Crawford, The Genesis of 
the Civil War, p. 23. 

^ The resignation was dated December 12, and Buchanan's 
reply three days later. A memorandum made by the President 
and printed in Curtis's Life of Buchanan is dated December 15, 
and refers to the resignations being handed in that evening. 
But it is apparent that this memorandum was written some days 



SECRETARY OF STATE 345 

secretary of state. Mr. Cobb had already re- 
signed the treasury portfolio because of what he 
considered the "paramount" claims of his State. 
The resignation of the secretary of state, added 
to the prevailing excitement, was almost univer- 
sally commended by the papers of the North that 
were not indissolubly wedded to the inactive policy 
of the administration. His house was filled for 
the next few days with congratulating friends, and 
Zachariah Chandler called to welcome him into 
the fold of the Republican party. The old states- 
man was still consistent, however; he was a Demo- 
crat, but a Jackson Democrat. 

The letter of resignation is worth reading, inas- 
much as it gives in short form the position which 
Cass held. The important clauses are as follows : — 

" It has been my decided opinion, which for some time 
past I have urged at various meetings of the cabinet, 
that additional troops should be sent to reenforce the 
forts in the harbor of Charleston, with a view to their 
better defense, should they be attacked, and that an 

after the day on which it was dated. Dispatches sent to the 
newspapers seem to make it clear that Cass sent in his resignation 
on the fourteenth. The following is from a dispatch to the iV^. 
Y. Advertiser, dated Washington, Dec. 15. " During this morn- 
ing and yesterday afternoon further developments have been 
made respecting the causes of disagreement, between the Presi- 
dent and the secretary of state, which led to the resignation of 
the latter." A similar dispatch to the Herald dated the four- 
teenth, speaks of the rumor that Cass had resigned and says that 
on the afternoon of that day " the report was fully confirmed." 
Other like evidence could be cited to support the statement in 
the text. The usual statement is that Cass resigned the fifteenth. 



346 LEWIS CASS 

armed vessel should likewise be ordered there to aid if 
necessary in the defense, and also, should it be required, 
in the collection of the revenue, and it is yet my opinion 
that these measures should be adopted without the least 
delay. I have likewise urged the expediency of immedi- 
ately removing the custom-house at Charleston to one of 
the forts in the port, and of making arrangements for the 
collection of the duties there by having a collector and 
other officers ready to act when necessary, so that when 
the office may become vacant the proper authority may 
be there to collect the duties on the part of the United 
States. 

" I continue to think that these arrangements should 
be immediately made. While the right and the responsi- 
bility of deciding belong to you, it is very desirable that 
at this perilous juncture there should be as far as possi- 
ble unanimity in your councils with a view to safe and 
efficient action. I have, therefore, felt it my duty to 
tender you my resignation of the office of secretary of 
state and to ask your permission to retire from that 
official association with yourself and the members of 
your cabinet which I have enjoyed during almost four 
years without the occurrence of a single incident to 
interrupt the personal intercourse which has so happily 
existed." 

The action of General Cass has been criticised 
by Buchanan's apologists who, now that the whole 
conspiracy is as clear as noonday, still claim that 
it was not the President's duty to act until some- 
thing was done, and until Congress gave further 
power. That the Southern forts were in danger 
there could be no doubt; Buchanan's message 



SECESSION 347 

confessed that South Carolina was on the point of 
lawless disregard of the behests of the central 
government; conventions to consider secession had 
been called throughout the Southern States; the 
cabinet itself was in conspiracy against the govern- 
ment; the very air was heavy with threats of 
secession and violence. Mr. Buchanan's most 
learned and famous apologist has sneered at the 
projjhetic sagacity of Cass. Not clairvoyance or 
the spirit of prophecy, but decision, observation, 
and common sense were the attributes of one who 
saw, not what might be, but what was. 

December 20 Washington was electrified by the 
announcement that South Carolina had at last 
adopted an ordinance of secession. Mr. Benson 
J. Lossing, the skillful writer of American his- 
tory, was at the house of Cass when a bulletin 
telling of this action was received. "The vener- 
able statesman read the few words that announced 
the startling fact, and then, throwing up his hands, 
while tears started from his eyes, he exclaimed 
with uncommon unction : ' Can it be ! can it be ! 
Oh, ' he said, ' I had hoped to retire from the 
public service, and go home to die with the happy 
thought, that I should leave to my children, as an 
inheritance from patriotic men, a united and pros- 
perous republic. But it is all over! This is but 
the beginning of the end. The people in the 
South are mad ; the people in the North are asleep. 
The President is pale with fear, for his official 
household is full of traitors, and conspirators con- 



348 LEWIS CASS : 

trol the government. God only knows what is 
to be the fate of my poor country! to Him alone 
must we look in this hour of thick darkness.'"^ 
It will be seen, however, that he advocated that 
action be superadded to faith and devotion. 

One other topic remains to be considered in 
connection with Cass's resignation from the cabi- 
net. The letter, dated December 12, assigned as 
a reason the President's refusal to reinforce the 
Charleston forts, and his neglect to prepare for 
the collection of duties at that port. President 
Buchanan in accepting the resignation, without 
deigning to argue the question, stated his belief 
that reinforcements at Charleston were unneces- 
sary, and expressed his regret that anything should 
occur to disturb the official relations existing be- 
tween him and his secretary. From memoranda 
printed in the "Life of James Buchanan," ^ it ap- 
pears that Cass announced his purpose to resign 
as early as the 11th. Newspapers of the time 
make it evident that nearly a week before the 
letter was handed in rumors of Cass's resignation 
were rife. His withdrawal was received with 
marked gratification by many, even of those who 
had not become converts to "black Republican- 
ism." In spite of these facts, Buchanan records 
that, on December 17, Black and Thompson both 
informed him that Cass desired to withdraw his 
resignation. It is always hard to prove a nega- 

^ Pictorial History of the Civil War, Lossing, vol. i. p. 141. 
2 By George Ticknor Curtis. 



SECESSION 349 

tive, but direct and circumstantial evidence con- 
tradicts this statement. In the first place, mem- 
bers of his family who were with him at the time, 
and were well aware of his thoughts and feel- 
ings, positively deny the truth of such assertions. 
This alone might be sufficient. But, moreover, 
the resignation, as already suggested, was not 
unpremeditated; all the world knew of his em- 
phatic disapproval of the President's negligence 
and timidity, and he found himself lionized and 
applauded by nearly all save the avowed secession- 
ists. Even the "Charleston Mercury" hastened 
to add its modicmn of praise by styling him a 
"hoary trickster and humbug," and comparing 
"his present imbecility" with his "past treachery 
to the South." "The past secretary will survive," 
remarked the "New York Times," with laconic 
sarcasm, as it quoted these expressions of Southern 
rage. That under such circumstances he should 
contemplate the backward step of seeking rein- 
statement is simply incredible and ridiculous. 

"Oh, for an hour of Andrew Jackson," sighed 
the "Springfield Kepublican." That was what 
was wanted. With Jackson in the White House 
and Cass as secretary of war the rebel armies 
would not have been equipped with governmental 
arms and accoutrements. The fire and vigor of 
"Old Hickory" had given to Cass his first great 
inspiration in national politics. All he could do 
now was to administer a silent rebuke to timidity 
where hesitation and cowardice were crimes. 



350 LEWIS CASS 

"Ain't it too bad," said a prominent senator, 
"that a man has to break his sword twice in a 
lifetime, at the beginning and at the end of his 
eventful career. At the surrender of Hull at 
Detroit, Cass was so disgusted at the conduct of 
his commander, and at not having a fight, that 
he broke his sword. Now he breaks it because 
his chief won't fight." ^ 

The events rapidly following upon one another 
through the dreadful winter of 1860-61 do not 
form part of our story. The treachery of the 
cabinet, the lethargy of the executive, the confu- 
sion and dismay, the low-hanging clouds of war 
and distress, the frenzy of the insane South and 
its boastful preparations for a grand confederacy 
on the cornerstone of slavery, left their sorrowful 
shadows upon the Union-loving people of the North 
and filled with gloomy forebodings the mind of 
the old statesman whose life had been given to 
his country. When the bombardment of Sumter 
thrilled the continent and fired the popular heart, 
Cass was ready with his word of encouragement. 
At an immense Union meeting in Detroit, April 
24, he was made chairman and delivered in a few 
words an eloquent address. Cheer followed cheer, 
as the old general, with dramatic effect, thanked 
God that the American flag still floated over his 
home and his friends. "No American can see its 
folds spread out to the breeze without feeling a 

^ Quoted in Xi/e and Public Services of Andrew Johnson, by 
John Savage. 



THE LAST YEARS 351 

thrill of pride at his heart, and without recalling 
the splendid deeds it has witnessed. . . . You 
need no one to tell you what are the dangers of 
your country, nor what are your duties to meet and 
avert them. There is but one path for every true 
man to travel, and that is broad and plain. It 
will conduct us, not indeed without trials and 
sufferings, to peace and to the restoration of the 
Union. He who is not Jbr his country is against 
her. There is no neutral position to be occupied. 
It is the duty of all zealously to support the gov- 
ernment in its efforts to bring this unhappy civil 
war to a speedy and satisfactory conclusion, by 
the restoration, in its integrity, of that great char- 
ter of freedom bequeathed to us by Washington 
and his compatriots." Sorrowing over his coun- 
try torn by civil war, the old man was not weak- 
ened by age into imbecile maunderings about 
senseless compromise; by word and example he 
inspired the patriotic hearts of his fellow citizens. 
If he was occasionally downcast, his desire for 
union never faltered. Referring at one time to 
the bonfires with which New Hampshire celebrated 
the formation of the Republic, "I have loved the 
Union," he exclaimed, "ever since the light of 
that bonfire greeted my eyes. I have given fifty- 
five years of my life and my best efforts to its 
preservation. I fear I am doomed to see it per- 
ish." It was such a spirit as this which had made 
him the advocate of compromise and consideration, 
and which now made him zealous for force. 



352 LEWIS CASS 

The last public speech of General Cass was de- 
livered at Hillsdale, Michigan, August 13, 1862, 
at a "war meeting " called for the purpose of 
arousing enthusiasm and raising volunteers for the 
service. The address was short and impressive. 
He spoke for some twenty minutes earnestly and 
from the heart. He began with a truthful refer- 
ence to his own patriotism. "I am sufficiently 
warned by the advance of age that I can have but 
little participation in public affairs, but if time 
has diminished my power to be useful to my coun- 
try, it has left undiminished the deep interest I 
feel in her destiny, and my love and reverence for 
our glorious Constitution which we owe to the 
kindness of Providence and to the wisdom of our 
fathers." The whole speech breathes forth the 
broad sympathy and love of Union which marked 
his life. Age, which is proverbially kind, did not 
bring with it enervated principles and the senti- 
mentality of moral and mental languor. He re- 
ferred to the energy of his own State and praised 
the exertions it was making for the general wel- 
fare. He had visited many portions of it before 
the Indian had given way to the industry and 
enterprise of the white man. "I have lived to 
see it rivaling its sister States in the sacred work 
of defending the Constitution. And now the course 
of events has rendered it necessary for the govern- 
ment to appeal again to the people. Additional 
troops are required for the speedy suppression 
of the Rebellion. Patriotism and policy equally 



THE LAST YEARS 353 

dictate that our force should be such as to enable 
us to act with vigor and efficiency against our 
enemies, and promptly to reduce them to uncondi- 
tional submission to the laws." Of all the states- 
men of his generation, Cass has been understood 
the least. In the eyes of many, he still appears 
as a "Northern man with Southern principles," 
a "doughface," as false and untrustworthy; while 
Henry Clay and Daniel Webster, whose aims 
were identical with his, have defenders and apolo- 
gists by the score ; while there is condonation for 
the rankest acts of the "Copperheads," who ma- 
ligned and vilified and hissed at home while our 
soldiers were fighting in the field; while men who 
proved false to their oaths, and gave their energies 
to the destruction of their country, are given high 
offices of honor and of public trust. 

One more event of importance intruded itself 
into the sadly quiet life of the old statesman. 
Throughout his career he had suspected and op- 
posed the cunning designs of England, had re- 
sented her effrontery, had vindicated our rights 
against her. A fitting close of a public life, which 
had been strangely consistent and direct, was an 
act of justice toward England in following out 
the lines of comity for which he had so often con- 
tended. In the latter part of 1861, two commis- 
sioners from the Confederacy, intended for Eng- 
land and France, were taken on board the English 
ship Trent. An American steamer, the San Ja- 
cinto, stopped the Trent on her voyage, took from 



354 LEWIS CASS 

her the Confederate commissioners and proceeded 
with them to Boston. England claimed with jus- 
tice that this was a direct violation of her sover- 
eignty, an insult for which immediate atonement 
was demanded. Our government hesitated. Eng- 
land did not, but immediately made arrangements 
for war and to mobilize her forces ; issued a pro- 
clamation to prevent the exportation of arms and 
ammimition; ordered her minister at Washington 
to withdraw unless the prisoners were released 
and our government offered apology within a few 
days. Flaring into unbecoming wrath, she lav- 
ished, it is said, not far from .£5,000,000 in pre- 
paration for a war which, in spite of the vexations 
of this whole affair, was needless, and which would 
not have been nearly so imminent had not her 
blustering hardened our people into obstinacy. 
While our government delayed, the people were 
anxious in spite of their dislike of England's 
haste. General Cass was besought by some of 
the influential citizens of Detroit to throw the 
weight of his advice into the scale, with the pur- 
pose of inducing our government to surrender the 
commissioners and to prevent war. He was per- 
suaded, and wrote a long telegraphic dispatch 
covering the whole ground, and bringing to bear 
his learning and the experience of fifty years in 
which he had thought over and discussed the ques- 
tion of search and visitation. The cabinet decided 
to humble itself, that it might be exalted on 
the altar of law and honesty. Seward is reported 



THE LAST YEARS 355 

afterwards to have intimated that Cass's dispatch 
was of determining weight in the cabinet discus- 
sions on the question of surrender. The report 
seems well founded ; but, whether it was thus deter- 
minant or not, the dispatch is a graceful end of a 
life of public service which had been devoted to 
America, and had resented encroachments upon 
her dignity. 

The last years of Cass were spent quietly at his 
home in Detroit. He lived to see the Union re- 
V stored, and the black curse of our country wiped 
out by the war. His love of books and his schol- 
arly tastes helped him to fill his last days with 
pleasurable occupation. His many friends, whom 
he had assisted and to whom he had given a true 
affection during the years of his active life, did 
not forsake him when the evil days of sorrow and 
weakness came upon him. Lifted up by an im- 
faltering trust, he patiently and cheerfully awaited 
the end. He was sometimes noticed walking the 
weU-known streets, which he had seen develop 
from the narrow, crooked ways of the rambling 
French town into the broad avenues of a modern 
city. But his work was over; he had reached 
advanced age before his retirement from public 
life, and all that was left him was the sorrowful 
pleasure of peaceful waiting. He died June 17, 
1866, in the eighty-fourth year of his age. The 
reports in the public papers, the resolutions of 
societies, the farewell comments of friends, be- 
token the esteem in which he was held and the 



356 LEWIS CASS 

grief at his death. Members of the bar, who had 
known his faithful service to the State, spoke in 
loving admiration of his life. Many men in the 
prime of life, or nearing the easy descent of age, 
recalled with gratitude the encouragement and aid 
given them in the uncertain days of their young 
manhood. There was no one to cavil. Even his 
political career, ending in patriotic devotion to 
country and love for his State and the Union, left 
little room for fault-finding to those who remem- 
bered his pure private life, and his generous friend- 
ship and high-minded regard for truth and fairness 
in all matters of daily business and intercourse. 
The Republican paper of Detroit, not failing in 
discrimination while discussing the events of his 
life, showed a hearty respect for the patriot, the 
citizen, and the man. Private uprightness, sin- 
cerity, and rugged stalwartness of character con- 
quered partisan acrimony in days when even the 
bitterness of politics seemed sweeter than honey 
in the honeycomb. 

If the foregoing sketch is at all adequate, no 
elaborate assignment of attributes is needed in 
conclusion. The character of Cass is presented 
by his acts, by his attitude on great public ques- 
tions, and by the results of a life given to the 
service of his country.^ Scarcely another man in 

^ In the preparation of the general sketch of the character of 
Cass, I have relied not only on the impressions produced by a 
careful study of his words and acts, but also upon statements 
made to me by men who knew him well, and whose candor and 



THE LAST YEARS 357 

our history was for so many years so closely con- 
nected with the rise and progress of the United 
States. He stands as a representative of the Old 
Northwest. Taking his life as a centre, we can 
trace the political, social, and industrial develop- 
ment of this section of the Union, which, in large 
part because of his efforts, changed in a genera- 
tion from wildness and stagnation into order and 
activity. He was the "Father of the West," but 
his generous patriotism left no room for selfish 
, provincialism. He was a democrat in the general 
sense of the word, inculcating throughout his ca- 
reer with unflinching zeal the great doctrine of 
faith in the people, and in the dignity and worth 
of the common American voter; but his love of 
individual liberty and his advocacy of personal 

intelligent discrimination I could trust. As I have said in my 
preface, I have neither cared nor dared to reject the estimate of 
the personality of Cass given me by men of intelligence who knew 
him as he was, men of affairs who were part of the times of which 
I write and who could speak, from their own knowledge, concern- 
ing the moral worth, integrity and intellectual strength of the 
subject of my sketch. I have not placed confidence in the ran- 
dom recollections of those who chanced to know him ; but have 
sought the sober judgment of persons of experience who knew the 
historical circumstance and were able from their knowledge of the 
man to reach sensible and reasonable conclusions. To give no cre- 
dence to the statements of such men as I have consulted, and to 
rely on the opinion of the secondary writers or the prejudiced as- 
sertions of contemporaries would be to disregard the most funda- 
mental canon in the preparation of historical narrative. I add this 
note because I think that it is customary to underestimate the 
character and the intellectual ability of Cass, and because some 
fault has been found by critics of the first edition with my gen- 
eral appraisal of his worth and influence. 



358 LEWIS CASS 

rights did not blind his eyes to the grand individ- 
uality of the nation, and the bright destiny of a 
Union which was more than a union of States. 
With an extreme Americanism he indorsed in 
his life the party doctrine that the "world is too 
much governed ; " but he did not lose himseK in 
silly sentimentalities about the needlessness of gov- 
ernment, nor confound lawlessness and liberty. 
He was a Democrat in the party sense of the 
word, a strong adherent to the party organization; 
but he did not let his hunger for success or his 
thirst for revenge deaden his senses to a percep- 
tion of justice, nor cause him to see liberty in 
rebellion and freedom under the manacles of the 
slave. 

He was fair and honest, winning by his frank- 
ness the confidence of fellow-partisans and oppo- 
nents. The Republican party seemed to him at 
first a sectional party, built upon localism and in- 
considerateness, but, when it proved the defender 
of the Union, although he never forsook his own 
standard, nor capitulated in dogma, he gave advice 
and counsel in behalf of the great purpose of those 
against whom he might have stored up wrath. 
In his speeches in the Senate, in private conversa- 
tion, and in correspondence with friends, he al- 
ways pleaded for the broader sympathy and more 
charitable interpretation. In spite of the vigor 
of his utterances and the force of his speech 
when once aroused to defend a great national prin- 
ciple or to expound party doctrine, the records of 



THE LAST YEARS 359 

Congress will be searched in vain for a prevail- 
ing or even passing feeling of ill-will against him. 
Those who came in contact with him were disarmed 
of suspicions by his benignant frankness and the 
complete good faith which action and word em- 
phasized. Yet his sincerity has been especially 
stabbed by innuendo, and attacked by open state- 
ment, until those who have not known him as he 
was pass him by as a man who smothered his 
small principles and traded conscience for ap- 
, plause. That the hope of the presidency did not 
dazzle his judgment until it could not read in the 
inner white light of his heart, it would be pre- 
sumptuous to declare. Blind self-deception, so 
ready to answer our call for guidance, may have 
led him into the ditch. But we turn to a full 
record of his life, and ask that those who cavil at 
a part may construe with the context before them. 
The doctrine of popular sovereignty has added its 
blight to his name, but it was not for him a new 
doctrine; his more prominent political life was 
begim in an effort to promote, among the body of 
the people, interest and action in local affairs. 
His love of union, his great feeling of nationalism, 
and his resentment of foreign interference, gave 
a coherence and consistency to his life, and prove 
by their continuance his thoroughness, earnestness, 
and sincerity. 

The daily social and family life of General Cass 
was one of such even courtesy and kindness that 
mere assertion leaves little room for explanation 



360 LEWIS CASS 

or addition. To those who came to him for aid 
or advice he was an interested friend ; young men 
esiaecially attracted him, and he took great plea- 
sure in giving them encouragement, in offering 
them help in their times of doubt or need. He 
was not fond of general society ; his simple tastes 
and quiet, abstemious habits held him back from 
an indulgence in the mere frivolity and formality 
of Washington life. In his own home, however, 
he dispensed a large and delightful hospitality. 
From 1831 until his withdrawal from Buchanan's 
cabinet, he spent the greater portion of his time 
away from Detroit; but his old house at that 
place, filled with curios and interesting relics 
from the frontiers of America and the gay capitals 
of Europe, was not infrequently occupied, and he 
there received his friends with generous, unstinted 
welcome. He then had the finest library in Michi- 
gan, and the room which held his favorite books 
was his own peculiar home. There he often en- 
tertained small companies of more intimate friends 
and of distinguished men. While agreeable and 
entertaining in private conversation, showing wide 
reading and broad comprehension, impressing all 
who listened to his unpretentious talk with the 
feeling that they were in the presence of a well- 
informed and cultured gentleman, he had none of 
the rarer charms of personal grace or of wit and 
brilliance; there was no flash of sudden genius or 
warmth of kindling enthusiasm over a keen or 
subtle argument. On the contrary, in public and 



THE LAST YEARS 361 

in private speech, his face generally maintained 
a certain immobility. His features were heavy, 
only occasionally lighted up when unusual circum- 
stances called for the determination, boldness, and 
vigor of the man. Even then he was impressive, 
ponderous, sternly dominant. Yet a customary 
look of benignity softened the severity of his face ; 
in hours of political success or defeat he main- 
tained his serenity and hopefulness ; he habitually, 
in his private conversations, refrained from rancor 
or trenchant criticism and imputation. 

Before the public, General Cass was a man who 
carried weight by the density and compactness of 
his arguments, by the vigor of his language, and 
the gravity of his sense. He was not always right ; 
his earlier vigor and fire were tempered into bold- 
ness and decision in middle age, and became un- 
bending, consistent conservatism in the days of 
his later public service, a conservatism which often 
led him to adopt political inexpedients and did 
not restrain him from error. But his public utter- 
ances always made an impression, and doubtless 
served to dampen a too ardent impetuosity. He 
often, perhaps usually, read his speeches from 
manuscript. They were skillfully and elaborately 
prepared. His large figure and his erect bearing 
aided the dignity of his words; and often where 
a man of less significant appearance would escape 
attention, or leave an audience unaffected by his 
appeals, the physical poise and stateliness of Cass 
would arrest the attention of the heedless, and 



362 LEWIS CASS 

compel conviction in the doubting. So universally 
thoughtful and well-considered, however, were his 
public addresses, that mere physical greatness was 
not needed to make them worthy of notice. What 
was worth doing at all seemed worth doing well; 
his orations at agricultural meetings and at great 
industrial celebrations show the customary breadth 
of scholarship and careful preparation. He was 
not an orator in the sense that Henry Clay and 
Patrick Henry were orators. He belonged rather 
to the unimpassioned school of steady thinkers and 
not too ready speakers, whose words come for a 
purpose and with the stored-up energy of convic- 
tion. An opponent was rather crushed by the 
dead weight of argument than taken captive by 
blandishments of rhetoric. 

He was a scholar and a man of books as well 
as a politician and a statesman. His essays were 
often even graceful, and always bore the same 
marks of care which his speeches presented. When 
starting on one of his long voyages in his bark 
canoe in the days of his governorship, he used to 
supply himself with a number of books; and, as 
he journeyed, he read them thoughtfully, or he 
listened while one of his companions read them to 
him. The information, thus stored away in his 
mind, often in later years showed itself in some 
rare and unexpected piece of knowledge. He 
never was enticed by the excitement of politics 
entirely to forsake his books. He could not be- 
come a profound scholar in the midst of his active 



THE LAST YEARS 363 

life, but his learning was unusually wide, often 
surprising by its scope even those who knew him 
well and had reason to respect his studies. To an 
intimate acquaintance with the great facts of his- 
tory he added no meagre knowledge of science and 
literature. In 1827 he read before the Detroit 
Historical Society an essay on the Early History 
of Detroit and the Conspiracy of Pontiac, a valu- 
able contribution to historical literature. This 
essay and three others by fellow-members of the 
society have been published under the title " Sketches 
of Michigan." In 1830 he delivered a scholarly 
address before the Association of Alumni of Ham- 
ilton College, and in 1836, as first president of 
the American Historical Association, he read an 
article which bears the marks of thoughtful prepa- 
ration, as well as knowledge and appreciation of 
the great truths of history and of political philoso- 
phy. His articles in the "North American Re- 
view" treat generally of Indian and Western sub- 
jects, and show his great acquaintance with Indian 
character and of the problems which affect our 
country's progress. These essays are long and 
discursive, written at a time when our important 
magazines invited profound and exhaustive treat- 
ment of interesting and serious topics. While 
secretary of war he prepared for the "American 
Quarterly Review " an account of the siege of New 
Orleans. The article, covering some sixty pages 
of the magazine, is of lasting historic value, inas- 
much as it was based upon papers and information 



364 LEWIS CASS 

intrusted to him by General Jackson. His most 
valuable literary work was in connection with the 
history of New France. Dr. Francis Parkman 
acknowledges his indebtedness to "Hon. Lewis 
Cass for a curious collection of papers relating to 
the siege of Detroit by the Indians." ^ While 
minister in France, he collected and examined docu- 
mentary evidence relating to the French power in 
America, and procured important papers which 
were published by the Wisconsin Historical So- 
ciety. He not only gave material and inspiration 
to Mrs. Sheldon for her "Early History of Michi- 
gan," but aided and encouraged M. Pierre Margry 
to besin the studies which have resulted in such 
valuable additions to historical information. His 
own studies of contemporary France, while repre- 
senting our own government, were embodied in 
a book already mentioned, "France, its King, 
Court, and Government," a book of 190 closely 
printed octavo pages. About the same time he 
published "Three Hours at Saint Cloud," and an 
article of no little worth in the " Democratic Ee- 
view " on "The Modern French Judicature." All 
the contributions to periodicals were more than 
mere trivialities dashed off in haste for a penny a 
line; they are real additions to knowledge. 

In public and private life he was honest. About 
1815 he bought, with funds received from the sale 
of lands in Ohio, a large tract of land near De- 
troit. As the city grew, this property came into 

^ Conspiracy of Pontiac, Preface. 



THE LAST YEARS 365 

demand, and its sale in lots made liim wealthy. 
He had no temptation to be dishonest in public 
dealings, or, as is sometimes charged, to be a 
"money-maker." He was completely free from 
the taints of financial corruption. To honesty he 
added temperance. He seldom tasted wine of any 
kind, though not refusing to provide his guests 
with the best. His public work in behaK of tem- 
perance has been spoken of; when secretary of 
war he called attention to the subject of intemper- 
ance in the army, and advocated that other rations 
be substituted for whiskey. He also spoke pub- 
licly of the evils of drink. His moderation reached 
beyond the limits of meat and drink, and showed 
itself in a life strangely regular and methodical, 
prolonged, in consequence, to an advanced age, 
unimpaired by disease, or weakened by aught 
save the attacks of time. 

The name of Lewis Cass will not be written in 
the future with those of the few men whose influ- 
ence is everywhere discernible, and who perpetuate 
themselves in institutions and in national tenden- 
cies. He was not a Washington, nor a Lincoln, 
nor a Hamilton, nor a Jefferson, nor a John 
Quincy Adams. But he was a great American 
statesman, building up and Americanizing an im- 
portant section of his country, struggling in places 
of trust for the recognition of American dignity 
and for the development of generous nationalism. 
With the great slavery contest his name is insepa- 
rably connected; he stood with Webster and Clay 



366 LEWIS CASS 

for Union, for conciliation, for the Constitution 
as it seemed to be established. He was one of 
those men whose broad love of country and pride 
in her greatness, however exaggerated, however 
absurd it may seem in these days of cynical self- 
restraint, lifted her from colonialism to national 
dignity, and imbued the people with a sense of 
their power. 



INDEX 



INDEX 



Abbott, Benjamin, studies of Cass 
under, at Exeter, 38. 

Abolitiouists, begin agitation, their 
factions, 178 ; persecuted in North, 
178, 198 ; results of their actions, 
198, 199 ; not to be over-praised, 
215 ; execrated, in 1844, 222. 

Adams, Charles Francis, nominated 
for vice-presidency, 253. 

Adams, John Quincy, urges prepara- 
tions for war against France, 167 ; 
calls Cass's protest to Guizot ab- 
surd, 183, 184; his prejudices, 185; 
comments on controversy between 
Cass and Webster, 189 ; his anti- 
slavery contest, 198, 209 ; attacked 
by Birney, 209 ; his opinion of Van 
Buren, 253 ; contrast to Giddings, 
in relation to constituents, 258. 

Adams, Gov. James H., of South Car- 
olina, denounces laws against slave 
trade, 330. 

Allen, Charles, refuses to support 
Taylor for president, 250. 

Allen, William, attacked by Critten- 
den, 228. 

American party. See Know-Nothing 
party. 

Anderson, Charles E., denies story of 
Cass's submission to Webster, 193. 

Ashburton, Lord, negotiates with 
Webster, 184. 

Atkinson, General John, overawes 
Indians, 128. 

Austria, signs treaty against slave 
trade, 179. 

Bank, motives for Jackson's attack 
on, 153 ; removal of deposits from, 
153, 154 ; Cass's views of, 203. 

Barnburners, their origin as faction 
friendly to Van Buren, 240, 241; 



oppose slavery extension, 242 ; se- 
cede from state convention, 242 ; 
refuse to support a candidate pledged 
against Wilmot Proviso, 242, 243; 
at national convention, 243 ; bitter 
against Cass, 243 ; in convention at 
Utica nominate Van Buren, 251 ; 
at Buffalo Convention, 252 ; out- 
number Cass's supporters in New 
York, 261 ; support Pierce in 1852, 
291. 

Barry, William T., asked to remain 
in Jackson's cabinet, 136 ; succeeded 
by Kendall, 137 ; minister to Spain, 
137. 

Bell, John, candidate of Constitu- 
tional Union party for president 
in 1860, 339. 

Benton, Thomas H., on removing In- 
dians, 160 ; on Polk's nomination, 
219 ; classed by South with Cass and 
Van Buren as dishonored for with- 
holding unlimited support, 307. 

Berrien, John M., resigns from Jack- 
son's cabinet, 137. 

Biddle, Nicholas, hatred of Jackson 
for, 153. 

Birney, James G., nominated for pre- 
sident in 1843, 209 ; attacks Adams, 
209 ; Garland forgery against, 221 ; 
lives in Michigan, 222. 

Black, Jeremiah S., attorney-general 
under Buchanan, 329 ; says Cass 
wishes to withdraw resignation, 
348. 

Black Hawk, brings on war in Noi'th- 
west, 141 ; captured, 141, 142. 

Black Hawk war, 141, 142. 

Blennerhassett, Harmon, involved by 
Burr in his schemes, 49 ; visits of 
Cass to, 49. 

Blockade, doctrine of, defined by 



370 



INDEX 



Cass, 337 ; later modified by expe- 
rience, 337. 

Bouaparte, Napoleon, confiscates 
American shipping, 53. 

Boyd, George, describes English pre- 
sents to Indians, 110. 

Branch, John, resigns from cabinet, 
137. 

Breckenridge, John C, nominated for 
vice-president in 1852, 322 ; nomi- 
nated for president in 1860, 339. 

Brock, Isaac, on effect of Hull's pro- 
clamation, 69, 70 ; prepares to at- 
tack Detroit, 76 ; demands surren- 
der, 77 ; on numbers of Hull's force, 

80, 81 ; aware of Hull's imbecility, 

81, 82. 

Brooks, Preston S., assaults Sumner, 

320 ; resigns from House, reelected, 

321 ; applauded by South, 321. 
Brougham, Lord, disclaims for Eng- 
land any pretense to right of search 
except to put down slave trade, 
180 ; attacks Cass for demagogy, 
182 ; his attack increases Cass's pop- 
ularity, 204. 

Brown, Aaron V., postmaster-general, 
329. 

Brush, Captain , asks Hull for an 

escort, 73, 74 ; his efforts to reach 
Detroit, 77 ; surrendered by Hull, 
80. 

Buchanan, James, on Jackson's de- 
sire to get rid of Cass for indeci- 
sion, 165 ; candidate for nomina- 
tion in 1843, 202, 205; offers to 
compromise Oregon, 227 ; candi- 
date for nomination in 1848, 240 ; 
candidate in 1852, 288 ; connection 
with Ostend Manifesto, 313, 314; 
nominated for president, 321 ; 
elected, 323 ; his view on popular 
sovereignty, 327 ; appoints Cass 
secretary of state, 328 ; announces 
settlement of controversy over right 
of search, 335 ; his secession mes- 
sage, 341, 342 ; refuses to reinforce 
forts at Charleston, 344, 348 ; his 
action defended, 346, 347 ; says 
Cass wishes to withdraw resigna- 
tion, 348. 

Burr, Aaron, his schemes in the West, 
47, 48 ; his character, 48 ; ensnares 



Blennerhassett, 48 ; betrayed by Wil- 
kinson, 49 ; his flight, trial, and ac- 
quittal, 50 ; plan of Federalists to 
make him president, 53. 

Butler, Senator A. P., denounced by 
Sumner, 318. 

Butler, William O., nominated for 
vice-president, 243. 

Cadillac, La Motte, founds Detroit, 
14. 

Calhoun, John C, letter of Cass to, 
on English intrigues with Indians, 
111 ; letter of Cass to, proposing 
Western tour, 116, 117; Jackson's 
quarrel with, 133 ; his wife refuses 
to meet Mrs. Eaton, 134 ; his friends 
in cabinet resign, 137 ; embittered 
by loss of hope to succeed Jackson, 
142; becomes advocate of slavery 
in South Carolina, 143 ; commits 
himself to doctrine of nullification, 
144 ; plans to remove New York 
Indians into Northwest to retard its 
growth, 160 ; compared with Cass 
in debate, 194 ; candidate for nomi- 
nation in 1843, 202 ; promises sub- 
mission to convention, 202, 203 ; has 
no real hope of nomination, 206 ; 
supported by Irish in North, 206; 
secretary of state under Tyler, 211 ; 
works for annexation of Texas, 211, 
224 ; withdraws his candidacy, 217 ; 
his doctrine of slavery in Territories 
rejected by Democratic Convention, 
244 ; his last speech read to Senate, 
278 ; his argument to preserve equi- 
librium of sections, 279; criticised 
by Cass, 280. 

CaUfornia, gold fever in, 262, 263; 
needs territorial government, 265, 
267 ; adopts a state constitution 
prohibiting slavery, 208; its admis- 
sion recommended by Taylor, 272; 
admitted, 283; carried by Buchanan, 
323. 

Campbell, L. D., on Whig party in 
1848, 250. 

Campbell, Judge William W., quoted, 
67. 

Canada, Northwest a part of, 3 ; de- 
sire to conquer, in 1812, 59, 60 ; 
Hull's invasion of, 01-84; Hull's 



INDEX 



371 



proclamation to, 68, 69; its effect, 
C9, 70; slielters hostile Indians after 
war, 102 ; boundary controversy 
witli, 175; rebellion in, and Caro- 
line affair, 175. 

Caroline affair, 175, 176. 

Cass, Jolin, 34. 

Cass, Jonathan, father of Louis Cass, 
34; his character, 34; enters army 
in Revolution, 35; his military ser- 
vices, 35; marries, 35; opposes paper 
money mob, 37; in Wayne's West- 
ern campaign, 38; commands Fort 
Hamilton, 38; at Wilmington, 39; 
moves to Ohio, 39, 40; locates land 
warrants, 42. 

Cass, Lewis, on Indian liking for 
French, 11; on agricultural iguo- 

' ranee of Canadians, 20; a represent- 
ative man of Northwest, 29, 30 ; 
ancestry, 34, 35 ; birth, 35 ; influ- 
enced in childhood by troubles of 
Confederacy, 36; recollects rejoi- 
cings on adoption of Constitution, 
37; education, 38, 39; acquaintance 
at Exeter with Webster, 38 ; certi- 
ficate of studies performed, 39 ; 
teaches school, 39 ; migrates to 
West, 40; at Marietta in 1799, 41; 
studies law, 42; frontier life, 42; 
adopts Jeffersonian ideals, 43; fal- 
sity of charge of changing party for 
oflBce,44; admitted to bar, 44; prac- 
tices in Zanesville, 45; describes ex- 
periences on circuit, 46. 

Ohio Jeffersonian Politician. 
Elected to legislature in 1806, 47; 
on committee to investigate Burr's 
schemes, 49; drafts bill authorizing 
governor to suppress them, 49, 50; 
instigates passage of resolution ex- 
pressing attachment to government, 
50; accepts office of United States 
marshal, 51 ; marries, his private 
life, 51; success at bar, 52; defends 
judges impeached for declaring a 
law unconstitutional, 52; his career 
changed by outbreak of war, 59. 
In War of 1812. In spite of later 
denial, hopes to conquer Canada, 59, 
60; colonel of third Ohio regiment, 
60; his address to soldiers, 60; his 
part in Hull's campaign, 63; arrives 



at Detroit, 63; on mission to British 
at Maiden, 65; urges attack, 06, 70; 
his enthusiasm, 67; possibly the 
author of Hull's proclamation, 68, 
69; leads an attack upon British 
outpost, 71, 72; his disgust at Hull's 
weakness, 72; urges sending escort 
for provisions, 74 ; informs Hull 
that Ohio militia will refuse to obey 
order to retreat, 74; asks for per- 
mission to replace Miller, 75; plans 
to depose Hull, 75; urges Meigs to 
come and assume command, 76; sent 
to escort Brush, 77; on returning, 
obliged to surrender with Hull, 79; 
liis exasperation, 79, 80; at Wash- 
ington, reports Hull's incompetence, 
82; witness in court-martial of Hull, 
83; not prejudiced from political 
reasons, 83; appointed major-gen- 
eral, 85 ; raises a regiment, as col- 
onel in army, 85 ; made brigadier- 
general in regular army, 85 ; in 
Harrison's campaign of 1813, 86 ; at 
battle of Thames, 87. 

Governor of Michigan Territory. 
Appointed in 1813, 88 ; his duties, 
89 ; endeavors to relieve distress, 90, 
91 ; determines to chastise Indians, 
91 ; leads attacks upon them, 92 ; 
induces Indians to aid, 92 ; his influ- 
ence restrains them from excesses, 

92, 99 ; resigns military commission, 
93 ; hampered by lack of authority, 
93 ; obliged to rely on vohmteers, 

93, 94 ; continues to harass Upper 
Canada, 94 ; his task to American- 
ize Michigan, 95 ; distributes relief 
among poor, 96 ; wishes to introduce 
American farmers, 97 ; urges prompt 
surveying of bounty lands, 97, 98 ; 
disappointed at gloomy report of 
surveyors, 98 ; secures opening of a 
land office, 98 ; hampered by British 
interference, 99 ; acquires a hatred 
for England, 100, 101 ; protests 
against English search of vessels 
on lakes, 101, 102 ; troubles with 
soldiers, 102 ; authorized to cease 
giving Indians presents, 103 ; re- 
fuses to release Vidal, and demands 
return of British deserter seized in 
Detroit, 104 ; his action in arresting 



372 



INDEX 



Vidal ratified, 105; arrogant com- 
plaint of Colonel James to, 105 ; re- 
plies to James, 106 ; resents med- 
dling of English between territorial 
government and Indians, 107, lOS ; 
explains English policy to Monroe, 
108 ; applauded in East, 110 ; gains 
increasing influence over Indians, 
110 ; detaches them from British 
influence, 110 ; annoyed by British 
intrigue throughout term, 110, 111 ; 
describes British presents, 111, 112 ; 
vast region controlled by, 115 ; his 
travels and treaties, 115, 116 ; ac- 
quires land by treaty with Indians, 
110 ; his voyage with Schoolcraft in 
Michigan and Wisconsin, 116-122 ; 
his departure, 117 ; meets Indians at 
Sault St. Marie, 118 ; announces in- 
tention to found a military station, 
118 ; goes alone to Indian camp and 
tears down British flag, 119 ; suc- 
cess of his courageous decision, 120; 
wins respect of Indians, 120 ; con- 
ducts experiments to test existence 
of tides in lakes, 121 ; tries to pre- 
pare " habitants " for self-govern- 
ment, 122 ; the " Cass Code," 122 ; 
invites suggestions for local nomi- 
nations, 122 ; urges building roads, 
123 ; encourages growth of political 
feeUng, 124 ; aids churches, 125 ; 
suggests educational system, 125 ; 
his opinion of education and demo- 
cracy, 125, 120 ; other Indian trea- 
ties, 126, 127 ; his dangerous mis- 
sion to Winnebagoes, 127, 128 ; 
escapes assassination, 128 ; organ- 
izes defense in Illinois, 128 ; pre- 
vents war by promptness, 129 ; dar- 
ing in this exploit, 129 ; outlines 
a policy toward Indians, 129 ; liis 
honorable dealing with them, 130 ; 
its success, 130 ; tries to diminish 
drunkenness among Indians, 130, 
131 ; regard of Indians for, 131 ; his 
tact toward them, 131, 132. 
Secretary of War. Appointed by 
Jackson in 1831, 138 ; directs Scott 
to go to Charleston, 146 ; explains 
attitude of government toward 
South Carolina, 147 ; orders Scott 
to repel any aggression, 148 ; author 



of letter urging Virginia to intercede 
with South Carolina, 149 ; his pre- 
paration for national politics, 152 ; 
becomes a Jackaonian Democrat, 
152 ; confirmed in belief in bold 
foreign policy, 152 ; his admiration 
for Jackson, 153 ; with Jackson on 
tour in the North, 153 ; tells Lewis 
he disapproves of removal of depos- 
its and wishes to resign, 154 ; per- 
suaded by Jackson to remain, 155 ; 
disclaims responsibility, 155 ; advo- 
cates removal of Florida Indians to 
West, 159, 161 ; his action not influ- 
enced by any regard for slavery, 160 ; 
opposes Supreme Court doctrine re- 
lative to Indians, 161 ; advises armed 
settlement of Florida, 163 ; not guilty 
of carelessness in Seminole war, 103; 
on fortifications, 164 ; urges building 
of navy, 164 ; advocates discontinu- 
ance of whiskey rations, 164 ; health 
impaired by office life, 164, 165 ; ac- 
cepts mission to France, 165 ; said 
by Buchanan to have annoyed Jack- 
son by indecision, 165 ; improbability 
of story about, 166 ; his warm friend- 
ship with Jackson, 160. 
Minister to France. Reasons for 
his appointment, 165, 166 ; goes to 
Paris, 168 ; social duties, 168, 169 ; 
his intimate relations with Louia 
Philippe, 169 ; his interest in French 
people and society, 169 ; visits Eng- 
land, 170 ; indignant at English man- 
ners, 170 ; his travels in 1837, 170 ; 
views of Italy and Greece, 171 ; in 
Turkey and Syria, 172 ; affection 
for Louis Philippe, 173 ; writes his 
life, 174 ; his description of France, 
174, 175 ; appreciates discontent of 
French people, 175 ; expects war 
with England in 1841, 177 ; urges 
Webster to resent English preten- 
sions, 177 ; and prepares navy, 177 ; 
opposes treaty to suppress slave 
trade, 180 ; considers it merely an 
English trick to gain right of search, 
180 ; his pamphlet approved in Amer- 
ica, 181 ; writes protest to France 
against treaty, 181 ; attacked in Eng- 
land, 182 ; suspected of demagogy 
by Webster, 182 ; denounced by 



INDEX 



373 



Adams, 183, 184 ; his prime motive 
dislike of England, 185 ; possibly in- 
fluenced by desire to please tlie 
South, 18G ; proposed for presi- 
dency, his reply, 186 ; good results 
of his diplomacy, 187 ; wishes to re- 
sign on news of Ashburton treaty, 
188 ; protests against treaty for not 
containing abandonment of right of 
search, 188, 189 ; bitter correspond- 
ence with Webster, 189-193 ; com- 
plains of stultification by treaty, 

190 ; in the right against Webster, 
191 ; his interference uncalled for, 

191 ; said to have confessed to Web- 
ster his overthrow, 192 ; falsity of 
story, 192, 193 ; his ability in de- 
bate, 193, 194 ; his life in Paris, 194 ; 
praised at his departure, 195 ; his 
speech, 195 ; his diplomatic ability, 
196. 

Candidate for Presidential Nomi- 
nation. His enthusiastic reception 
in New England and New York, 197, 
198 ; not looked upon as subservient 
to slave power, 198 ; his welcome at 
Washington, 199 ; journey to De- 
troit, 200 ; pubhc honors in Pennsyl- 
vania and Ohio, 200 ; reception in 
Detroit, 200; questioned on public 
matters, 201 ; nominated by local 
Democratic conventions, 201 ; up- 
held by "New York Herald," 201, 
202 ; replies to Dickerson asserting 
his Democratic orthodoxy, 202 ; his 
answer to Indianapolis convention, 
203 ; views on bank, public lands, 
tariff, etc., 203 ; aided by Webster 
controversy and Brougham's attack, 
203, 204 ; deprecates partisan attacks 
of followers upon Van Buren, 204 ; 
writes letter in favor of Texas an- 
nexation, 213 ; appeals to jealousy 
of English interference, 213 ; asserts 
popular demand for it, 214 ; his de- 
sire for annexation due to Western 
training, 215 ; not a " doughface," 
215 ; vote for, in Democratic na- 
tional convention at Baltimore in 
1844, 218 ; directs supporters to 
withdraw his name at any time in 
interest of harmony, 219 ; his active 
part in campaign of 1844, 222, 223 ; 



prophesies success in Northwest, 
223. 

In United States Senate. Elected 
in 1845, 225 ; on Committee on For- 
eign Relations, 225 ; his oratorical 
ability, 225 ; champion of American- 
ism, 225, 226 ; absence of personal 
enemies, 226 ; favors occupation of 
Oregon, 226 ; introduces resolution 
to prepare for war with England, 
227 ; leads the extreme wing, 228; 
refers to inevitable war, 228; circu- 
lates speeches to aid his candidacy, 
229; protests in vain against treaty, 
230; supports Polk in Mexican war 
legislation, 231, 232; expresses sor- 
row at loss of Wihnot Proviso, 233; 
later speaks against it as unneces- 
sary and liable to prevent acquisi- 
tion of territory, 233; from this 
time, ceases completely to represent 
Northwest, 234; comment of Sena- 
tor Miller on, 234, 235; the father 
of "squatter sovereignty," 235; his 
letter to Nicholson, 236, 237 ; argues 
against power of Congress over Ter- 
ritories, 238; not insmcere in advo- 
cating this doctrine, 238 ; possibly 
expects popular sovereignty will as- 
sure freedom instead of slavery, 239; 
lack of opposing candidates for pre- 
sidential nomination in 1848, 240; 
nominated, 243; hatred of Barn- 
burners for, 243; his letter of ac- 
ceptance, 245; resigns seat in Sen- 
ate, 245. 

Candidate for Presidency. His 
chances lessened by Van Buren'a 
nomination in New York, 252; called 
the Western candidate, 254; yet 
ceases to represent the new spirit 
of the West, 254; his influence keeps 
Michigan Democratic, 256, 258; his 
consistency, 259; carries Michigan 
and other Northwestern States, 259; 
attacked for declining to attend in- 
ternal improvements convention, 
260 ; later disclaims hostility to 
them, 260; not trusted by the South, 
261 ; defeated by loss of South and 
of New York, 261 ; his defeat prob- 
ably fortunate for country, 203, 
264. 



374 



INDEX 



In Senate Again. Reelected with 
difficulty, 266, 269; his party leader- 
ship in Michigan, 266 n. ; in Sen- 
ate on March 3, 1849, 267; invited 
by New York Democrats to accept 
a public dinner, 270; his reply, 270, 
271 ; announces his opposition as a 
Western man to disunion, 271 ; pre- 
fers to resign rather than obey Free- 
Soil instructions of Michigan legis- 
lature, 272, 275; his speech on squat- 
ter sovereignty, 272-275; argument 
from Democratic principles, 273, 
274; from the Constitution, 273; in 
debate on Clay's compromise, 277; 
on peaceful disunion, 277; confesses 
inconsistency with regard to Wilmot 
Proviso, 277 ; thanked by Clay, 277 ; 
views on slavery, 278 ; exults in 
compromise resolutions of Michigan 
legislature, 278 ; denounces both 
Seward and Calhoun, 280; member 
of compromise committee, 280; aids 
Clay, 281; continues to advocate 
non-interference, 282 ; influences 
sentiment of his State, 282; favors 
Fugitive Slave Law, 283 ; votes 
against jury trial for fugitives in 
North, 284; appeals for recognition 
of finahty of compromise, 285; re- 
elected senator, 286; laments unpa- 
triotic opposition to Fugitive Slave 
Law, 287; a candidate in Democratic 
Convention of 1852, 288; upholds 
Kansas-Nebraska bill, 295; regrets 
reopening of agitation, 297; thinks 
South will not gain, 297, 299; hopes 
principle of non-intervention will 
bring peace, 299, 300; in campaign 
of 1854 in Michigan, 306; denounces 
slavery as evil, 30G; condemned by 
South for so doing, 306, 307 ; pleads 
for calmness and forbearance, 307 ; 
denounces Know - Nothing party, 
311, 312; considers it part of Re- 
publican movement, 312; refuses to 
obey instructions of Michigan legis- 
lature, 313 ; suspects England of 
purpose to prevent annexation of 
Cuba, 315; disapproves of Ostend 
Manifesto, 315; on Clayton-Bulwer 
treaty, 316; disapproves of Topeka 
Constitution for Kansas, 318; con- 



demns Sumner's Kansas speech, 
319; Sumner's reply to, 319; on 
Senate committee to investigate as- 
sault on Sumner, 321; not a candi- 
date for nomination in 1856, 321, 
322; regrets "sectionalism" of Re- 
publican party, 323 ; refused re- 
election by Michigan legislature, 
324; denies right of visitation, 331, 
332; admits right to investigate 
genuineness of flag, 332, 333 ; 
strength of his argument, 333; his 
position adopted by England, 335; 
view of Monroe doctrine, 336; dis- 
patch on neutrality and blockades, 
337. 

Secretary of State. In Buchanan's 
cabinet, 328 ; negotiations over Clay- 
ton-Bulwer treaty, 329 ; reports 
English outrages on vessels, 331 ; 
suggests sending war vessels to 
Southern waters, 331 ; negotiations 
with Napier, 331-335 ; feels danger 
from growth of Republican party, 
338 ; laments secession, 340, 341 ; 
wishes to use force against it, 341 ; 
yet agrees with portions of Buchan- 
an's message, 341 ; but insists that 
forts at Charleston be reinforced, 
344 ; resigns in disgust, 344, 345. 

Last Years. Applauded by North 
and by Republicans, 345 ; justified 
in his position, 346, 348 ; over- 
whelmed at news of secession, 347 ; 
does not desire to withdraw resig- 
nation, 348, 349 ; addresses Union 
meeting in 1861, 350 ; urges vigor- 
ous support of government, 351 ; 
his last speech urging volunteering, 
352, 353 ; urges Seward to surren- 
der Mason and Shdell, 354, 355; 
last years and death, 355 ; funeral 
honors, 355, 356 ; general view of 
his career, 356-366 ; a representa- 
tive Northwestern Democrat, 357 ; 
his democracy, 357, 358 ; breadth 
of feeling, 358; kindliness, 358, 359 ; 
real sincerity, 359 ; self-deceived by 
presidential ambition, 359 ; social 
life, 359, 360 ; his culture, 360 ; per- 
sonal appearance, 361 ; oratorical 
and forensic ability, 361, 362 ; read- 
ing habits, 362 ; contributions to 



INDEX 



375 



hiatory, 363, 364; property, 364, 
365; honesty, 365 ; temperance, 365 ; 
final summary, 365, 366. 

Pei'sonal Traits. General view, 
151-153, 365, 366; unfavorable 
views, 63, 185, 296; was he a 
" doughface " ? 170, 178, 186, 214, 
215, 278, 284; courage, 67, 75, 92, 
105, 119, 128; conservatism, 361; 
consistency, 250, 359 ; debate, power 
in, 193, 194, 229 ; demagogy, 214, 
359; diplomatic ability, 184, 196, 
336 ; education, 39 ; energy, 40, 66, 
72, 86, 94, 127 ; executive ability, 
165, 166 ; friendliness, 38, 115, 173, 
195, 258, 319, 359 ; justice, 120, 130, 
259 ; lieeuness of observation, 169 ; 
kindliness, 38, 358 ; legal ability, 
52 ; literary ability and interests, 
170-172, 195, 355, 362-364 ; military 
ability, 71, 91 ; oratory, 194, 195, 
225, 362; partisanship, 229, 231 ; per- 
sonal appearance, 225, 361 ; pomp- 
ousness, 68, 195, 361 ; private life, 
51, 359 ; social qualities, 169, 194, 
359-361; temper, 79, 108; temper- 
ance, 131, 365 ; Western represen- 
tative, 215, 223, 234, 270, 357. 

Political Vieios. Americanism, 60, 
186, 225, 350, 351 ; Ashburton treaty, 
188-193; Bank, 154, 203; blockade, 
law of, 337 ; Burr conspiracy, 49 ; 
compromise of 1850, 281, 285, 287 ; 
democracy, 43, 122, 124, 152, 214, 
274, 357, 358; disunion, 271, 277, 
341, 342, 344-346, 347; education, 
125, 126; England, 100-102, 104, 
108, 170, 177, 180-183, 185, 213, 228, 
315, 316; foreign policy, 152; France, 
174; Fugitive Slave Act, 283, 284, 
287; HuU's campaign, 82, 83; In- 
dians, policy toward, 91, 92, 107, 
110, 111, 115-120, 127-132, 159, 161; 
instructions, doctrine of, 275; in- 
ternal improvements, 123, 260 ; in- 
ternational law, 104, 106, 333, 337 ; 
judiciary, 52; Kansas, constitution 
of, 318, 319 ; Kansas-Nebraska bill, 
297, 299 ; Know-Nothings, 311, 312 ; 
lands, public, 203 ; Monroe doc- 
trine, 336 ; navy, 164 ; Oregon, 227- 
230 ; Ostend Manifesto, 315 ; pre- 
sidential ambitions, 186, 202, 203, 



227, 235, 288, 321 ; Republican party, 
313, 323, 358 ; search, right of, 180- 
183, 189-191, 329, 331-336, 354 ; slav- 
ery, 186, 278, 297, 306; South, 
regard for, 284, 307 ; squatter sov- 
ereignty, 235, 236, 273-275, 295-297, 
300, 307, 359; States' rights, 161; 
tariff, 203 ; Texas, 213, 223 ; Trent 
affair, 354 ; Union, 36, 152, 271, 299, 
307, 323, 352 ; war of 1812, 59 ; war, 
Mexican, 231 ; war of Rebellion, 
351-354 ; Wilmot Proviso, 233, 274, 
277. 

Champlain, his explorations, 4. 

Chandler, Zachariah, elected Senator 
in Cass's place, 324 ; congratulates 
Cass on resignation from cabinet, 
345. 

Chase, Salmon P., his estimate of slav- 
ery question, 234 ; writes platform 
at Buffalo Convention, 253 ; elected 
to Senate, 264 ; his speech on com- 
promise, 279. 

Cherokees, decision of Supreme Court 
concerning, 161. 

Christiancy, Isaac P., writes call for 
Republican Convention, 305. 

Clarendon, Lord, announces political 
accord of France and England, 315; 
denies any reference to Cuba, 315. 

Clark, Governor James, makes treaty 
with Indians, 126 ; cooperates with 
Cass in outlining Indian policy, 129. 

Clay, Henry, leader of war party in 
1812, 55 ; boasts of future conquest 
of Canada, 59, 80 ; introduces com- 
promise tariff, 151 ; compared with 
Cass in debate, 194 ; his journey in 
South, 200 ; undisputed leadership 
of Whig party in 1843, 207, 208 ; 
writes letter against Texas annexa- 
tion, 212 ; nominated by acclama- 
tion, 216 ; might have won, 220 ; 
weakens hold on North by Alabama 
letter, 221 ; carries Ohio, 223 ; de- 
feated in election, 223 ; discarded 
as a candidate in 1848, 246, 248 ; in- 
troduces compromise resolutions, 
276 ; begs senators to refrain from 
debate, 276 ; aided by Cass, 281 ; 
his aims identical with Cass's, 353, 
365. 

Cobb, Howell, secretary of treasury. 



376 



INDEX 



328 ; his conduct during process of 
secession, 340 ; resigns, 345. 

Coles, Edward, moves from Virginia 
to Illinois, his anti-slavery influ- 
ence, 309. 

Compromise of 1850, introduced, its 
provisions, 276 ; debate on, 276-283 ; 
re-introduced, 280, 281 ; Cass's opin- 
ion of, 281 ; adopted, 283 ; really 
hastens Rebellion, 284 ; extolled by 
Cass and others, 286 ; declared a 
finality by Whig and Democratic 
parties, 289, 290. 

Connecticut Land Company, surveys 
Western Reserve, 5. 

Constitutional Union party, nominates 
Bell for president, its character, 
339. 

Crandall, Prudence, 178. 

Crawford, W. H., betrays Calhoun to 
Jackson, 133. 

Creeks, plan to remove to the West, 
159, 162. 

Crittenden, J. J., attacks Allen, 228. 

Croghan, Colonel George, his reply to 
threat of massacre, 80, 86. 

Cuba, its annexation desired by South, 
313 ; refusal of United States to 
guarantee not to acquire it, 313 ; 
Ostend Manifesto concerning, 313, 
314 ; Cass's opinion of, 315. 

Cutler, Manasseh, opposes entrance 
of Ohio into Union, 44. 

Dallas, George M., candidate for 
vice-presidency, 219 ; describes in- 
terview with Lord Malmesbury, 334. 

Dalliby, Captain, asks permission to 
fire on English, 76. 

Davis, Jefferson, says Missouri Com- 
promise was erased in 1850, 294 ; 
his view of Douglas's non-interfer- 
ence, 294, 295. 

Davis, John, talks Wilmot Proviso to 
death, 232. 

Dayton, William L., nominated by 
Republicans for vice-president, 322. 

Dearborn, Henry A. S., presides over 
Hull court-martial, 82 ; partly to 
blame for Hull's surrender, 83. 

Democratic party, its inconsistent 
principles and practices under Jack- 
son, 152, 162; popular m North- 



west, 156-158 ; Cass's popularity 
with, in 1843, 201 ; movement in, 
to nominate Cass, 201 ; interrogates 
candidates for nomination, 202; tired 
of Van Buren as a candidate, 
205 ; controlled at convention by 
Southern wing, 217 ; apparently con- 
trolled by Van Buren men, 217; 
adopts two-thirds rule, 217 ; nomi- 
nates Polk, 218, 219; its double- 
faced campaign, 220 ; its mass 
meetings, 222 ; carries Northwest, 
223; significance of its election, 
224 ; demands re-occupation of Ore- 
gon, 220 ; favors nomination of 
Cass, 235, 240 ; New York factions 
of, 240 ; at national convention of- 
fers to admit both Barnburners 
and Hunkers, 243 ; nominates Cass 
and Butler, 243; its policy toward 
slavery, 244 ; condemns aboUtion 
agitation, 244 ; rejects Calhoim's 
nou - interference, 244, 245 ; de- 
noimces Van Buren, 252 ; hampered 
by Free-Soil nominations, 254 ; and 
by Cass's attitude on internal im- 
provements, 260 ; members of, in 
South, favor Taylor, 261 ; defeated 
by loss of New York through Barn- 
burners, 261 ; relation of Northern 
and Southern wings of, after 1848, 
265; its condition in 1852, 287; 
at national convention nominates 
Pierce, 288 ; indorses finality of com- 
promise, 289; its great victory in 
election, 291, 293 ; Northern mem- 
bers of, repudiate Nebraska bill, 300 ; 
advocates filibustering in Nicara- 
gua, 316 ; nominates Buchanan, 321 ; 
its platform, 322 ; gains election 
through the South, 323 ; has a ma- 
jority In Pennsylvania only of North- 
ern States, 323 ; factions of, in 
1860, 330; Northern wing of, no- 
minates Douglas, 338 ; Southern 
wing nominates Breckinridge, 339. 

Denonville, Governor, on the fur 
trade, 8 ; asks Du Llmt to fortify 
Straits, 9. 

Detroit, its settlement, 3, 14, 15; its 
character, 16 ; life m, under French 
rt5gime, 16, 17 ; its conservatism, 
16, 17 ; slow entrance of American 



INDEX 



377 



life into, 18, 19 ; mediaeval traits of, 
19 ; held by English until 1796, 32, 
33 ; in Hull's invasion of Canada, 
CI, 63, 74, 75 ; attack upon, 76-78 ; 
surrendered, 79 ; recovery, 88 ; mil- 
itary importance of, 93 ; return of 
Cass to, in 1843, 200. 
Dickerson, Malilou, asks Cass for his 

political opinions, 202. 
Dickinson, Daniel S., suggests squat- 
ter sovereignty, 235. 
Diplomatic liistory, difficulties over 
French spoliation payments, 167, 
168 ; final accommodation, 167, 168 ; 
Cass's mission to France, 168- 
196; the McLeod affair, 175-178; 
Cass's protest against slave-trade 
treaty, 181, 182, 185; Ashburton 
treaty, 187, 188; controversy be- 
tween Cass and Webster over, 188- 
193 ; Oregon negotiations, 227, 229, 
230 ; events preceding Mexican war, 
231 ; negotiations concerning Cuba, 
313 ; Osteud Manifesto, 314 ; diffi- 
culties over Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 
329 ; correspondence between Cass 
and Napier over right of visitation, 
331-333 ; abandonment of claim by 
England, 334, 335 ; agreement be- 
tween England, France, and United 
States over right of search, 335, 
336 ; difficulties with Mexico, 336 ; 
blockade, doctrine of, defined by 
Cass in 1859, 337. 
Disunion, growth of feeling for, in 
South, 268 ; Cass's opinion of, 271, 
277 ; threatened, if Republican party 
succeed, 323 ; carried out in 1860, 
340-347 ; Cass's position on, 341 ; 
Buchanan's doctrine of, 341, 342; 
common-sense view of, 342, 343. 
Dixon, Archibald, gives notice of re- 
peal of Missouri Compromise, 293. 
Dodge, Henry, declines Barnburners' 
nomination for vice-presidency, 251. 
Douglas, Stephen A., anticipated by 
Cass in doctrine of squatter sover- 
eignty, 236 ; candidate for presi- 
dential nomination in 1852, 288 ; 
introduces Kansas- Nebraska bill, 
293, 294; abused by both North 
and South, 295 ; denounced by 
Sumner, 318 ; replies to Sumner, 



319 ; bitter retort of Sumner to, 
320 ; nominated for president, 338. 

Draper, Dr. John W., on impossibil- 
ity of slavery in Kansas, 298. 

Dred Scott decision, 327. 

Duaue, William T., refuses to remove 
deposits, 154. 

Du Lhut, establishes post on Lake 
Superior, 9. 

Eaton, John H., resigns from cabinet, 
136 ; his quarrel with Ingliam, 137 ; 
plan to make him senator, 138 ; 
governor of Florida, 138. 

Eaton, Mrs. "Peggy," refusal of so- 
ciety to recognize, 134 ; attentions 
of Van Buren to, 134, 135; attempts 
of Jackson to vindicate, 135. 

Elliott, Commodore Jesse Duncan, 
voyage of Cass with, 170. 

England, kept out of Northwest by 
"coureurs des bois," 9; after 1763 
becomes patron of Indians, 32 ; em- 
ploys them as allies, 32, 33; holds 
frontier posts until 1796, 32, 33 ; ne- 
cessity of counteracting its influ- 
ence over Indians, 33 ; partisanship 
of Federalists for, 53, 54 ; war with, 
popular in Northwest, 56 ; intrigues 
with Indians in years before war, 
56, 58 ; continues until 1840 to re- 
tard American growth in Northwest 
by instigating Indians, 49, 111, 112; 
slow to realize strength or growth 
of United States, 99, 100 ; hopes to 
reabsorb States, 101 ; continues to 
search vessels on Lake Erie, 101 ; 
defied by Cass in Vidal case, 103- 
105 ; its policy to pose as protector 
of Indians, 105-109 ; its policy at a 
grand council described by Mrs. 
Jameson, 113, 114 ; visited by Cass, 
his impressions, 170 ; boundary dis- 
putes with, 175 ; demands release of 
McLeod on threat of war, 176 ; its 
war preparations described by Cass, 
177 ; signs treaty to suppress slave 
trade, 179 ; suspected of attempting 
to justify claims to right of search, 
179 ; attacked by Cass in a pam- 
phlet, 180 ; justice of its position, 
180, 181 ; annoyed at rejection of 
treaty by France, 182 ; renews 



378 



INDEX 



claim to right of visitation, 187, 
188, 190, 191 ; its alleged designs 
upon Texas, 212, 213 ; rejects Buch- 
anan's offer of a compromise in Ore- 
gon, 227 ; danger of war with, 227, 
228 ; alarmed at threat of war, 230 ; 
accepts forty-ninth parallel as 
boundarj', 230 ; suggests that Uni- 
ted States join in a pledge not to 
acquire Cuba, 313 ; held by Cass to 
oppose American acquisition, 315; 
quibbles over Clayton - Bulwer 
treaty, 316 ; searches slave-traders 
in American waters, 330, 331 ; con- 
troversy with Cass over right of 
search, 331-333 ; abandons right of 
search, 334-33G ; demands apology 
for seizure of Mason and SUdell 
from the Trent, 354 ; threatens war, 
354. 

Eustis, WiUiam, approves Hull's pro- 
clamation, G9. 

Everett, Edward, nominated for vice- 
presidency, 339. 

Fedeealists, oppose admission of 
Ohio, 44 ; plan to make Burr presi- 
dent, 53 ; oppose Jefferson's foreign 
policy, 53, 54. 

Fillmore, Millard, nominated for vice- 
president, 248 ; favors compromise, 
282 ; on finality of compromise, 287 ; 
candidate for nomination in 1852, 
289 ; nominated by Know-Nothings, 
322. 

Findlay, James, commands Ohio mili- 
tia, 60 ; wishes to depose Hull, 72. 

Florida, Jackson's career in, 133 ; 
Eaton governor of, 138 ; Seminole 
war in, 162-164 ; slave trade with, 
330. 

Floyd, John B., secretary of war 
under Buchanan, 328 ; aids seces- 
sioiusts, 340 ; on Cass's willingness 
to coerce seceding States, 341 ; 
openly disowns secession, .341. 

Foote, Henry S., offers resolution to 
organize Territories, 272. 

Force Bill, recommended by Jackson, 
150 ; its provisions and effect, 150, 
151. 

Ford, Governor Seabury, describes po- 
litical methods in Northwest, 157. 



France, discourages colonization, 15 ; 
its absurd policy toward colonies, 
15 ; partisanship of Jeffersonians 
for, 54 ; agrees but fails to pay for 
spoliations, 167 ; threatened by 
Jackson, 167 ; rupture of diplo- 
matic relations with, 167 ; finally 
pays, 167, 168 ; mission of Cass to, 
as minister, 168-196 ; social duties 
of minister in, 168, 169 ; Cass's ob- 
servations on, 169, 173, 175 ; signs 
treaty to suppress slave trade, 179 ; 
at Cass's suggestion, refuses to ratify 
treaty, 181 ; later agrees to keep 
fleet on African coast, 182 ; sug- 
gests to United States to join in 
guaranteeing Cuba to Spain, 313. 

Franklin, Benjamin, his mission to 
French court, 169. 

Free-Soil party, suggested by dissatis- 
fied Whigs, 251 ; by Free Territory 
Convention in Ohio, 251 ; by Barn- 
burners at Utica, 251 ; formed at 
Buffalo Convention, 252-254; ele- 
ments of, 252 ; not a Democratic 
movement, 252 ; its platform, 253 ; 
nominates Van Buren and Adams, 
253, 254; its vote m 1848 and its 
significance, 256, 257, 259, 260 ; holds 
balance of power, 259 ; denounced 
for not favoring Compromise, 285 ; 
nominates Hale and Julian, 290 ; its 
vote in 1852, 290 ; denounces repeal 
of Missouri Compromise, 301. 

Frelinghuysen, Theodore, nominated 
for vice-president, 216. 

Friimont, John C, nominated by Re- 
pubUcans, 322 ; his fitness for can- 
didacy, 323. 

French, explore the West, 3, 4 ; at- 
tempt to convert Indians, 4 ; kept 
out of Ohio by Iroquois, 5 ; settle in 
Michigan and Wisconsin, 6, 7 ; de- 
sire fur trade, 7 ; their methods of 
trading, 8-10 ; assume Indian habits, 
10; beloved by Indians, 11 ; form a 
stagnant element in Northwest, 11, 
12 ; their life, 12 ; discouraged by 
government, 15 ; gregarious methods 
of settlement, 17, 21 ; their manners, 
20, 21; "pipe-stem" farms, 21; 
lazLness, 21 ; love of sport, 21, 23, 
24 ; clumsy farming methods, 22, 



INDEX 



379 



23, 26 ; social life, 23, 24 ; other 
classes of half-breeds, 25, 26; their 
stupidity, 25, 26; their lack of edu- 
cation, 27, 28; dislike American 
law, 28; life centres around church, 
29; less important ua lUinoi* and 
Indiana than in Michigan, 29; prob- 
lem of their assimilation, 31 ; averse 
to taxation, 31; prostrated by war 
of 1S12, 89, 90, 9G; hopes of Cass to 
educate, 97. 

Fugitive Slave Law, enacted, 283; its 
effect, 283, 284; Cass's approval of, 
284; arouses North, 28G; petitions 
against, in Congress, 287. 

Fur trade, its importance, 7, 8; how 
carried on, 8-10. 

Garfield, James A., remark of Cass 
to, 36; representative of Western 
Reserve, 255, 258. 

Garland forgery in campaign of 1844, 
221. 

Garrison, William Lloyd, mobbed in 
Boston, 178. 

Geary, John W., governor of Kansas, 
324; resigns, 325. 

Georgia, upheld against Supreme 
Court by Jackson and Cass, 161. 

Giddings, Joshua R., points out true 
character of Seminole war, 164; his 
courage, 198; censured by House, 
209; representative of Western Re- 
serve, 254; on Fugitive Slave Act, 
287. 

Gilman, Mary, marries John Cass, 
mother of Lewis Cass, 35. 

Greeley, Horace, on effects of Fugi- 
tive Slave Law, 283; discouraged 
in 1854, 304; advises Michigan anti- 
Nebraska men to adopt name Re- 
publican, 304 ; on Know - Nothing 
party, 311. 

Grundy, Felix, War Republican in 
1812, 55. 

Guizot, under Louis Philippe, 173 ; 
urged by Cass not to ratify slave- 
trade treaty, 181. 

Haldiman, Governor, on consumption 

of rum in Detroit, 32. 
Hale, John P., nominated by Liberty 

party, 251 ; presents disunion peti- 



tion, 277 ; nominated by Free-Soil 
party, 200. 
Hamilton, Col. Henry, offers bounties 

on American scalps, 32. 
Hamilton, governor of South Carolina, 
appoints committee to draw up or- 
dinance of nullification, 145. 
Hamlin, Hannibal, elected vice-presi- 
dent, 339. 
Hannegan, E. A., letter of Cass to, on 
Texas, 213; on Polk's claim to Ore- 
gon, 228. 

Harcourt, , threatens war if Mc- 

Leod be condemned, 176. 
Harrison, William Henry, on English 
intrigues with Indians, 57; veins 
battle of Tippecanoe, 58; aided by 
Cass in 1813, 86; invades Canada, 
86; wms battle of Thames, 87; com- 
pliments Cass, 87 ; leaves Cass to 
command, 88; concludes armistice 
with Indians, 89; makes treaty of 
alliance with Indians, 92; poses as 
popular hero in 1840, 156; carries 
Northwest except Illinois, 156. 
Harvard College, gives Jackson a de- 
gree, 153. 
Harvey, Peter, tells fictitious story of 
Cass's confession of defeat to Web- 
ster, 192, 193. 
Heald, Captain, ordered by Hull to 

evacuate Fort Dearborn, 81. 
Heileman, Major, in command at 

Charleston, 146. 
Hildreth, Richard, quoted, 64. 
House of Representatives, passes Wil- 
mot Proviso, 232, 233; its struggle 
to elect a speaker in 1849, 272 ; fails 
to expel Brooks after his assault on 
Sumner, 321. 
Howard, Jacob M., letter of Greeley 
to, on name Republican, 304; writes 
platform for new party, 305. 
Howard, William A., on committee to 

visit Kansas, 317. 
Hudson Bay Company, 9. 
Hull, Governor William, on ancestry 
of Canadians, 14 ; his failure in civil 
office, 61; alter hesitation, accepts 
command of force to invade Canada, 
61 ; urged to go to Detroit, 61 ; his 
baggage captured, 62; his conduct 
defended by descendants, 62; com- 



380 



INDEX 



plains of militia, 63; his force, 64 ; 
refuses to invade Canada until or- 
dered to, 65; enters Canada with 
forebodings, 66, 67; continues inac- 
tive, 70 ; his indecision, 71 ; refuses 
to follow up Cass's success, 72; fails 
to announce war to garrison at 
Mackinac, 72, 73; dreads Indian 
warfare, 73; forced to send troops 
to aid Brush, 7-t ; announces an at- 
tack, then retreats, 74; wishes to 
abandon Detroit, 74; orders MiUer 
back to Detroit after his victory, 
75; refuses to allow Dalliby to fire 
on English fort, 76; refuses Brock's 
demand for surrender, 77 ; appalled 
withfearof Indians, 78; surrenders, 
79; includes all forces in surrender, 
80; numbers of his force, 80, 81; or- 
ders evacuation of Fort Dearborn, 
81; released on parole, 82; sacrificed 
by administration, 82, 83; really 
deserves condemnation by court- 
martial, 83; his sentence, 84; later 
years, 84. 
Himkers, their origin as Polk faction 
in New York, 241; control Demo- 
cratic state convention and reject 
anti-slavery resolution, 242; at De- 
mocratic convention, 243; support 
Cass and become "regular" party 
in New York, 243. 

Illinois, retarded by French occu- 
pancy, 2, 29; Indian war alarm in, 
128; Black Hawk war in, 141; 
strongly Democratic, 156-158; car- 
ried by Republicans in 1854, 308; 
analysis of vote in, 308, 309; carried 
by Democrats in 1856, 323; votes 
for Lincoln in 1860, 339. 

Indiana, retarded by French occu- 
pancy, 2; but less so than Michigan, 
29; admitted to Union as a State, 
115; Democrats of, favor nomination 
of Cass, 201 ; carried by Republicans 
in 1854, 308; carried by Buchanan 
in 1856, 323; votes for Lincoln in 
1860, 339. 

Indians, attempts of French to con- 
vert, 4; rivalry of English and 
French for fur trade with, 7, 8; 
drenched with brandy, 8; friendly 



with French, 10 ; regret their defeat, 
11; trade in Detroit, 18; protected 
by English, 32; encouraged to op- 
pose Americans, 32; continue de- 
pendent upon English, 33; campaign 
of Wayne against, 38; English in- 
trigues with, before war of 1812, 
56-58; Harrison's campaign against, 
57, 58; their alliance not sought by 
United States, 58; alarmed at Hull's 
invasion of Canada, 70; in EngUsh 
army, opposed to Hull, 73, 76, 78, 
81 ; massacre garrison of Fort Dear- 
born, 81; in massacre at Raisin, 85; 
ravage Michigan, 86, 88, 91; spare 
lives of French, 89; punished by 
Cass, 91, 92; make treaty of alliance 
with Cass and Harrison, 92 ; contin- 
ued subsidizing of, by EngUsh, 99, 
100, 111, 112; protected by English, 
102, 105-108; refusal of Cass to per- 
mit meddling with, 106, 107 ; efforts 
of Cass to detach from English al- 
liance, 110; Grand Council of, de- 
scribed, 113, 114; aU under Cass's 
supervision, 115; cede land by 
treaty, 116; Cass's interview with, 
at Sault de St. Marie, 118-120; re- 
fuse to agree to an American garri- 
son, 118, 119; overawed by Cass's 
courage, 119, 120; further boundary 
treaties with, 126, 127; war with, in 
1827, averted by Cass's energy, 127- 
129; plan for treatment of, made by 
Cass, 129; reasons for Cass's success 
with, 130-132; efforts of Cass to re- 
duce dnmkenness among, 130, 131; 
their respect for Cass, 131 ; removal 
of, to West, 159-161 ; essays of Cass 
upon, 363. 

Ingham, Samuel D., resigns from Jack- 
son's cabinet, 137 ; his quarrel with 
Eaton, 137. 

Internal improvements, demand for, 
in West, 260 ; Cass's position on, 
260 ; m campaign of 1848, 260. 

Irish in New York, favor Calhoun, 
206 ; belong to Democratic party, 
their reasons, 207. 

Iroquois, results of failure of French 
to convert, 4. 

Jackson, Andbew, reconfltructa cabi- 



INDEX 



381 



net, 133-138 ; his quarrel with Cal- 
houn, 133 ; his character, 134, 135 ; 
tries to force Mrs. Eaton upon so- 
ciety, 134-13G ; his friendship for 
Van Buren, 136 ; not a demagogue, 
13S ; but used by spoils politicians, 
139 ; significance of his election, 
140,; his obstinacy, 140, 141 ; di- 
rected by others, 141 ; takes mili- 
tary precautions against nullifica- 
tion, 14G ; his annual message, 147 ; 
remark on impossibility of nuUifi- 
catiou, 147 ; intends to seize Cal- 
houn, 148 ; issues proclamation, 
148 ; anxious to avoid a conflict, 
149, 150 ; asks for authority to en- 
force laws, 150 ; signs compromise 
tariff and Force Bill, 151 ; admi- 
ration of Cass for, 152, 153 ; his 
Northern tour in 1833, 153 ; attacks 
bank, his motives, 153 ; his indiffer- 
ence to, and ignorance of, finance, 
153 ; removes deposits, 153, 154 ; 
persuades Cass not to resign, 155 ; 
his popularity in Northwest, 157, 
158 ; upheld by Cass in his favor- 
ing Georgia against Supreme Court, 
161 ; enraged at failures in Semi- 
nole war, 1G3 ; said to have been an- 
noyed at Cass's indecision, 1G5 ; his 
friendly relations with Cass, 165, 
166 ; threatens France, 167 ; writes 
letter in favor of Texas annexation, 
213 ; writes in favor of Van Buren, 
213 ; praised by Cass, 213 ; the coun- 
try's one dictator, 246 ; gives Cass 
historical papers, 364. 

James, Colonel, correspondence with 
Cass, 102 ; complains of murder of 
an Indian, 105 ; sharp reply of Cass 
to, 106 ; censured by Cass for push- 
ing Indian claims, 107, 108 ; asserts 
rights of British Indian allies in 
United States, 109. 

Jameson, Mrs. Anna, contrasts Cana- 
dians with Yankees, 20 ; describes 
Indian council at Manitoulin, 113, 
114. 

Jefferson, Thomas, his relation to 
Rousseau, 43, 44 ; sends agent to 
investigate Burr's schemes, 49 ; 
issues proclamation against them, 
50 ; his reply to Ohio resolutions of 



support, 50 ; suggests removing all 
Western postmasters, 50 ; gratitude 
to Cass, 51 ; his foreign policy, 54 ; 
author of nullification, 144 ; Cass a 
follower of, 202 ; less of a dictator 
than Jackson, 246. 

Jesuits, try to convert Indians, 4 ; 
discourage colonization, 15. 

Jolinson, Herschel V., nominated for 
vice-president, 338. 

Johnston, Colonel R. M., kills Tecum- 
seh, 87 ; in Eaton affair, 135; can- 
didate for nomination in 1844, 201, 
202, 206 ; his character and ambi- 
tious, 206 ; vote for, in convention, 
218. 

Jones, Commodore Jacob, describea 
gold mania in California, 263. 

Julian, George W., nominated for 
vice-president, 290. 

Kansas, struggle for, 316-318, 324- 
326 ; seized by Missouri ruffians, 
317 ; applies for admission under 
Free State Constitution, 317 ; de- 
bate over, in Senate, 317, 318 ; its 
admission advocated by Republi- 
cans, 322 ; successive governors in, 

324, 325; warfare in, 324, 325; 
pacified by R. J. Walker, 325; 
chooses a Free State legislature, 
325 ; attempt to force Lecompton 
constitution on, 325 ; rejects it, 
325 ; refused admission by South, 

325, 326 ; saved by popular sover- 
eignty, 326. 

Kansas-Nebraska Bill, introduced by 
Douglas in 1854, 293; repeals Mis- 
souri Compromise, 294; Cass's 
speech on, 297 ; passed and signed, 
298 ; causes outbreak at North, 300. 

Kendall, Amos, succeeds Barry as 
postmaster-general, 137. 

Kentucky, furious at Hull's surren- 
der, 85 ; sends army to be massacred 
at River Raisin, 85. 

King, William R., nominated for vice- 
president in 1852, 288. 

Know-Nothing party, its principles, 
309 ; attracts dissatisfied Whigs and 
Democrats, 310 ; enters politics in 
1854, 310 ; its success in border 
States, 310; impossible of success, 



382 



INDEX 



311 ; views of Cass upon, 311, 312; 
nominates Fillmore in 1856, 322 ; 
carries Maryland, 323. 

La Hontan, Baron de, describes car- 
goes of women sent to Canada, 14. 

Lands, public, in Michigan, efforts of 
Cass to promote sale of, 97, 98; 
Cass's view of, 203. 

Lane, Joseph, nominated for vice- 
president, 339. 

La Salle, takes possession of Missis- 
sippi valley, 6. 

Legar6, Hugh S., secretary of state 
under Tyler, 211. 

Leigh, B. W., sent by Virginia as en- 
voy to South Carolina, 150. 

Levant, Cass's tour in, 170-172. 

Lewis, William B., dissuades Cass 
from resigning from Jackson's cabi- 
net, 154. 

Liberty party, its vote in 1840, 179, 
208 ; its attitude toward Whig abo- 
litionists, 209; nominates Bimey in 
1844, 221 ; attacks Clay as an an- 
nexationist, 221; holds balance of 
power in New York and Michigan, 
222; execrated by Whigs, 222 ; nom- 
inates Hale, 251; members of, at 
Buffalo convention, 252, 254. 

Lincoln, Abraham, takes proper view 
of slavery question, 234 ; nomi- 
nated and elected president, 339. 

Livingston, Edward, secretary of state, 
137; writes nullification proclama- 
tion, 148 ; breaks off diplomatic re- 
lations with France, 167. 

Lossing, Benson J., describes Cass's 
reception of news of secession, 347. 

Louis XIV., his efforts to develop 
and control Canada, 7, 8, 9. 

Louis Philippe, dreads war with Amer- 
ica, 168 ; friendly to United States, 
168; appreciates American charac- 
ter, 168 ; his character, 173 ; lacks 
courage and decision, 173 ; life of, 
written by Cass, 174, 175. 

McArthtjb, Duncan, commands Ohio 
militia, 60; informed of beginning 
of war, 62; wishes to depose HuU, 
72 ; sent to aid Brush, 77 ; included 
in Hull's surrender, 79; testimony 



in Hull court-martial, 83 ; makes 
treaties with Indians, 116. 

McDuflBe, George, in House, predicts 
disunion, 143. 

McKenney, Thomas L., on tour with 
Cass among Indians, 126, 127. 

McLane, Louis, secretary of treasury, 
137; opposed to removal of depos- 
its, 154. 

McLane, Robert M., Cass's letter to, 
on Monroe doctrine, 336. 

McLeod, Alexander, arrested for par- 
ticipation in Caroline affair, 176 ; 
his release made a political question 
by England, 176; acquitted, 178. 

Macomb, Major-General, warns com- 
mander at Charleston against at- 
tack, 146. 

Madison, James, obliged to advocate 
war of 1812, 54; driven by South 
and West, 55; his incompetent con- 
duct of war, 62; his proclamation 
satirized, 68; pardons Hull, 84 ; 
appoints Cass governor of Michigan, 
88; advises Congress not to grant 
bounty lands in Michigan, 98. 

Maine, carried by Republicans, 308. 

Malmesbury, Lord, agrees with Dal- 
las to abandon right of search, 334, 
335. 

Marcy, W. L., candidate for nomina- 
tion in 1852, 288. 

Marshall, John, defied by Jackson, 
101. 

Martineau, Harriet, describes half- 
breeds, 25; charmed by scenery of 
Michigan, 99. 

Maryland, carried by Know-Nothings 
in 1856, 323. 

Mason, J. Y., connection with Ost- 
end Manifesto, 313. 

Massachusetts, settlers from, in Michi- 
gan, 124; visit of Cass to, in 1842, 
197; "conscience" and "cotton" 
Whigs in, 249. 

Meigs, R. J., law studies of Cass with, 
42 ; a Jeffersonian, 44 ; sends rein- 
forcements to Hull, 73 ; urged by 
Cass to come and assume command 
in place of HuU, 75, 76. 

Mexico, bullied by Upshur, 211 ; forced 
into war by Polk's administration, 
231 ; difficulties with, in Buchanan's 



INDEX 



383 



administration, 336; revolutions in, 
33G. 
Michigan, slowness of American set- 
tlement, 2; labors of Cass to Ameri- 
canize, 2; late development of self- 
government in, 3; settled by French, 
6, 14; results, 6, 7; fur trade in, 7; 
typified by Detroit, 18 ; life of 
French in, 19-31 ; lack of education 
in, 27 ; influence of Cass upon Amer- 
icanization of, 30, 31; Hull's gov- 
ernorship of, CI; raises militia 
companies to aid Hull, 63, 64; rav- 
aged by Indians, 86, 88; Cass's 
governorship of, 88-132; destitu- 
tion in, after war, 89, 90; efforts of 
Cass to relieve, 90, 91, 96; freed from 
Indian ravages, 91, 92, 94; Cass's 
ijfiforts to Americanize, 95; boimty 
lands selected in, 97; reported by 
surveyors a barren waste, 98; pro- 
gress hindered by this error, 98; 
land oflSce opened in, 98; its dimen- 
sions, 115; Indians cede land in, 
116; explored by Cass and School- 
craft, 118-122; its progress to self- 
government, 122, 123 ; builds roads, 
123; democratic feeling in, encour- 
aged by Cass, 124; public education 
in, 124, 125; demands admission as 
a State, 155; a Democratic State 
except in 1840, 155; immigration 
into, 158; enthusiasm over Cass in 
1842, 200, 201; Liberty party vote 
in, 222; elects Cass to Senate, 225; 
favors Wilmot Proviso, 233, 234; 
adopts township system, 255; kept 
in Democratic party by Cass, 256; 
popularity of Cass in, 258, 259 ; 
Free-Soil vote in, 250; passes Wil- 
mot Proviso resolutions, 266, 269; 
reelects Cass, 266, 269; rescinds 
Wilmot Proviso instructions to 
Cass, 278; sentiment in, favors com- 
promise, 282, 283 ; reelects Cass, 
286; Free-Soil vote in, 290; move- 
ment in, toward new party, 304, 305; 
forms Republican party, its plat- 
form, 305; campaign of 1854 in, 306- 
308; carried by Republicans, 307; 
instructs senators to vote against 
Fugitive Slave Law, 312; carried by 
Republicans, 324; elects Chandler 



to succeed Cass, 324; carried by 
Lincoln, 339 ; popular honors in, to 
Cass, 355, 356. 

Miller, Colonel Morris S., commands 
regular infantry under Hull, 61; 
successful expedition into Canada, 
71 ; refuses to assume responsibil- 
ity, 72; successful action with Eng- 
lish and Indians, 75; asks for provi- 
sions, 75; ordered back to Detroit, 
75; gives up Vidal to Cass, 103. 

Miller, Senator, regrets Cass's oppo- 
sition to Wilmot Proviso, 234. 

Missouri, sends rufBans into Kansas, 
317. 

Missouri Compromise, extension of 
its line suggested in 1847, 239; sug- 
gested again in 1849, 265 ; repealed 
by Kansas-Nebraska bill, 294. 

Monroe, James, letter of Cass to, on 
troubles with English, 108; pro- 
poses removal of Indians to West, 
160. 

Morris, Gouverneur, his mission to 
France, 169; contemptible treat- 
ment of, by Louis Philippe, 173. 

Napier, Lord Charles, letter of Cass 
to, on right of search, 331-333. 

New England, emigrants from, in 
Detroit, 19, 158; its attitude toward 
England and France, 53, 54; dam- 
aged by Jefferson's policy of em- 
bargo, 54; favored by tariff, 142; 
influence of emigrants from, upon 
politics of Northwest, 254-258; upon 
township system, 255. 

New Hampshire, its ratification of 
Constitution described by Cass, 
36, 37 ; paper-money craze in, 37; 
adopts Wilmot Proviso resolutions, 
233. 

New Jersey, passes Wilmot Proviso 
resolutions, 233 ; carried bj' Demo- 
crats in 1856, 323; divided in 1860, 
339. 

New Mexico, needs territorial govern- 
ment, 265 ; organized, 283. 

New York, held by Iroquois against 
French, 4; emigrants from, in Mich- 
igan, 124, 156; spoQs system in, 139; 
arrests McLeod, 176; refuses to 
surrender him, 176; acquits him, 



384 



INDEX 



178; visit of Cass to, in 1842, 197; 
popularity of Calhoun in, 200, 207 ; 
Liberty party vote in 1844, 222; 
passes Wilmot Proviso resolutions, 
233; factions in Democrats of, 240- 
242; carried by Whigs, 243 ; decides 
election of 1848, 261; collapse of 
Free-SoUers in, 290, 291. 

"New York Herald," advocates Cass 
for president in 1843, 201, 202. 

Nicaragua, filibustering in, 315; ap- 
plauded by South, 316. 

Nicholson, A. 0. P., letter of Cass to, 
230. 

Niles, John M., on British intrigues 
with Indians, 112; approves Cass's 
letter on slave-trade treaty, 181 ; on 
Cass's candidacy for nomination, 
186. 

North, Jackson's tour in, 153; ceases 
to persecute abolitionists, 178; pop- 
ularity of Cass in, 197-200; begins 
to resent subserviency to slavery, 
198, 199; fails to understand cause 
of Texas annexation, 211, 212; favors 
Wilmot Proviso, 233; affected by 
Webster's 7th of March speech, 
278, 279 ; exasperated by Fugitive 
Slave Law, 284; conservative reac- 
tion in, 285, 2SC, 290; denounces 
Douglas for Kansas-Nebraska bill, 
295, 300 ; old parties in, fall to pieces, 
300; sends emigrants to contest 
Kansas with South, 300; votes for 
Lincoln in 1860, 339; repudiates 
Buchanan's doctrines of secession, 
342; paralyzed during winter of 
1861, 350; war meetings in, 350- 
353. 

Northwest, view of its development, 
1, 2; its settlement from the East, 
2; necessity of Americanizing, 2, 3; 
its settlement by French, 3-14 ; ex- 
plorations in, 6; taken possession of 
by French, 0; held for France by 
bush-rangers, 8-10; influenced by 
presence of French, 12; life of 
French habitants in, 20-24; influ- 
ence of Cass upon, 30, 31 ; problems 
in, to introduce democracy and 
counteract English influence, 33; 
favors war of 1812, 55, 56; national 
feeling in, 56; saved by battle of the 



Thames, 88; growth of, retarded 
by English intrigues with Indians, 
100; all Indians in, controlled by 
Cass, 115; explorations in, by Cass, 
117-122; Indian treaties in, 126, 
127; Black Hawk war in, 141; chol- 
era in, 141 ; Democratic party 
strength in, 156; political methods 
in, 157, 158; more interested in 
politics than La principles, 158 ; im- 
migration into, 158, 159; carried by 
Polk in 1844,223; demands Oregon, 
226, 227 ; begins to grow anti-slav- 
ery, 234, 249; ceases to be fully 
represented by Cass, 254; influence 
of New England settlers upon poli- 
tics of, 255-25S; supports Cass in 
election of 1848, 259; Free-Soil vote 
in, 259, 200; demands internal im- 
provements, 200; votes for Pierce, 
290; organizes Republican party, 
301; Union sentiment in, 302; con- 
tinues to furnish Republican lead- 
ers, 302 ; less bound by commercial 
ties to South, 303; underground 
railroad in, 303; votes for Lincoln 
in 1860, 339; Cass the representa- 
tive of, 357. 
Nullification, Calhoun's theory of, 
144 ; ordinance of, adopted by South 
Carolina, 145; .Jackson's opinion of, 
147; and his proclamation on, 148. 

O'CoNOR, Charles, letter to Cass, 270. 

Ohio, held by Iroquois against French, 
4; remains imknown during eight- 
eenth century, 5; early public edu- 
cation in, 26, 27; settlement of, 
after treaty of Greenville, 40; char- 
acter of immigrants, 40, 41, 43; 
democracy in, 43; adopts a consti- 
tution, 44; its entrance into Union 
opposed by FederaUsts, 44; frontier 
law practice in, 45-47; investigates 
and checks Burr's conspiracy, 49, 
50; impeaches judges for declaring 
a law unconstitutional, 52; raises 
regiments in war of 1812, 60; furi- 
ous at Hull's surrender, 85; strength 
of Whig party in, 156; welcomes 
Cass in 1843, 200; carried by Clay 
in 1844, 223; passes Wilmot Pro- 
viso resolutions, 233; free territory 



INDEX 



385 



convention in, 251; influence of 
New England settlers in, 255; auti- 
slavery vote of, in 1844 and 1848, 
250,257; carried by Cass, 259; elects 
Chase to Senate, 264; carried by 
Republicans, 308. 

Oliver, Mordecai, on committee to 
visit Kansas, 317. 

Ordinance of 1787, territorial govern- 
ment under, 122; its conflict with 
Cass's doctrine of popular sover- 
eignty, 237; extended over Oregon, 
2G2. 

Oregon, demand of Democrats and 
Northwest for, 226 ; offer of Buch- 
anan to compromise, 227; com- 
promise rejected by England, 227; 
danger of war over, 228; debate on, 

' in Senate, 228; discussion of claims 
to, 229 ; possession of, settled by 
compromise, 230 ; given a territo- 
rial government, 262. 

Osceola, sentimental view of, 162; his 
real wrongs, 162. 

Ostend Manifesto, 314. 

Owen, Commodore, demands return 
of Vidal, 104. 

Paimekston, Lord, demands release 
of McLeod, 176. 

Parkman, Francis, on New France, 
6, 11 ; aided by Cass, 304. 

Peel, Sir Robert, denies that right of 
search is abandoned, 191. 

Pennsylvania, welcomes Cass in 1842, 
200 ; favors Cass for presidential 
nomination, 201, 202 ; favors Wil- 
mot Proviso, 233 ; supports Cass in 
1848, 240 ; emigrants from, in Ohio, 
255 ; carried by Democrats in 1856, 
323. 

Perry, Oliver H., victory on Lake 
Erie, 86. 

Phillips, Wendell, results of his la- 
bors, 198. 

Pierce, Franklin, nominated for pre- 
sident in 1852, 288 ; his character, 
288, 289 ; approves compromise, 
289 ; supported by Barnburners, 291; 
proclaims finality of compromise, 
293 ; signs Kansas-Nebraska biU, 
298. 

Polk, James K., nominated by a trick 



in 1844, 218, 219 ; the first " dark 
horse," 219; derided by Whigs, 

219 ; claimed to be in favor of tariff, 
220; at Nashville meeting, 222; 
elected, 223 ; significance of his 
election, 224 ; claims all of Oregon, 

220 ; not really anxious for it, 227 ; 
advises increase of army and navy, 
230 ; drives Mexico into war, 230, 
231 ; jealous of Silas Wright, 241 ; 
urges organization of new Territo- 
ries and extension of Missouri com- 
promise line, 205. 

Popular sovereignty in Territories, 
suggested by Dickinson, 235 ; Cass 
the real author of doctrine, 235, 
236 ; outlined in Nicholson letter, 
236, 237 ; question of Cass's sincer- 
ity in advocating, 238, 239 ; ex- 
plained by Cass in 1850, 272-275 ; 
its absurdity, 275, 276 ; as inter- 
preted by South, 294, 295 ; its sig- 
nificance to Cass and Douglas, 295, 
296; In Democratic platform of 
1856, 322 ; its actual working in 
Kansas, 326; abandoned by South, 
326. 

Prevost, , letter of Brock to, 70. 

Proctor, Colonel Henry A., arrives at 
Maiden, 73 ; fails to restrain Indi- 
ans, 86 ; retreats, 86 ; defeated 
Thames, 87. 

Prussia, signs treaty against slave 
trade, 179. 

Quakers, their influence in Northwest, 
255. 

Randolph, John, sarcastic remark on 
conquest of Canada, 62. 

Reaume, Justice, his arbitrary law, 13. 

R(?collet fathers, at Quebec, 4. 

Reeder, Andrew H., vetoes pro-slav- 
ery bills in Kansas, 317 ; removed, 
317. 

Republican party, strong in Western 
Reserve, 255 ; why begun in North- 
west, 301-303 ; supposed beginning 
in Ripon, 303 ; planned for by Con- 
gressmen, 304 ; name suggested by 
Greeley, 304 ; carries Northwest and 
Maine, 308 ; nominates Fremont and 
Dayton, its platform, 322 ; defeated 



386 



INDEX 



in election, 323 ; carries Michigan 
and defeats Cass for reelection, 324 ; 
continues to grow, 338 ; nominates 
and elects Lincoln, 339 ; applauds 
Cass for resigning from Buchanan's 
cabinet, 345 ; Cass's opinion of, 
358. 

Rhode Island, passes Wilmot Proviso 
resolutions, 233. 

Richmond, Duke of, gives Indians 
presents, 110. 

Russia, signs treaty against slave 
trade, 179. 

St. Clair, Aethub, his unpopularity 
in Ohio, 44. 

Saint-Lusson, at Sault de Ste. Marie, 6. 

Schley, Judge William, on aversion of 
Canadians to taxes, 31. 

Schoolcraft, Henry R., on Cass's 
Northwestern tour, 117 ; describes 
departure, 117 ; names a lake for 
Cass, 121 ; reports on mineral re- 
sources, 121. 

Schuyler, Eugene, approves Cass's 
protest to France, 187. 

Scott, General Winfield, sent to 
Charleston to resist nullifiers, 146 ; 
complimented by Cass on his dis- 
cretion, 147 ; again ordered to 
Charleston, 148 ; thinks civil war 
imminent, 149 ; charged with inef- 
ficiency in Seminole war, 163 ; over- 
shadowed by Taylor in Mexican 
war, 246 ; in Whig convention of 
1848, 248 ; nominated in 1852, 289 ; 
defeated, 291. 

Search, right of, controversy over, on 
Lake Erie, 101, 102 ; protest of Cass 
against recognizing, in slave-trade 
suppression, 180-182 ; Cass's doc- 
trine of, superior to Webster's, 183 ; 
continues to be exercised by Eng- 
land, 188, 189, 191 ; controversy be- 
tween Cass and Webster over its 
omission from Ashburton treaty, 
190-193 ; controversy of Cass with 
Napier over, 331-334 ; abandoned 
by England, 335, 336; involved in 
Trent affair, 354. 

Seminoles, plan to remove to West, 
159 ; war with, 102-164 ; desire of 
South for their negroes, 162. 



Senate, ratifies Ashburton treaty, 187; 
requests Tyler for correspondence 
between Cass and Webster, 190; 
election of Cass to, his place in, 
225 ; debates Oregon question, 227, 
230; ratifies Oregon treaty, 230; 
debates Ten-Regiment bill, 231; de- 
feats Wilmot Proviso, 232 ; debates 
appropriation bill, 267 ; debates 
compromise of 1850, 276-283 ; de- 
bates Kansas troubles, 317-320 ; un- 
able to punish assault on Sumner, 
321 ; recognizes Lecompton consti- 
tution for Kansas, 325 ; refuses to 
admit Kansas as a free State, 326 ; 
calls for information concerning 
slave trade, 331. 

Seward, W. H., refuses to give up 
McLeod, 176 ; puts proper estimate 
on slavery question, 234 ; elected 
to Senate, 264 ; his speech on com- 
promise, 279, 280 ; attacked by Cass, 
280 ; optimistic after passage of 
Kansas-Nebraska bill, 299 ; attacked 
by Cass, 318. 

Shannon, Wilson, succeeds Reeder as 
governor of Kansas, his character, 
317 ; resigns, 324. 

Sherman, John, on committee to visit 
Kansas, 317. 

Sibley, Solomon, encounters Cass in 
Ohio, 42. 

Sickles, Daniel E., letter to Cass, 270. 

Slavery, attempts to introduce into 
Northwest, 40, 41 ; not recognised 
by South as cause of weakness, 143 ; 
said to be cause for removal of In- 
dians, 160 ; causes Seminole war, 
162 ; enters politics under Van 
Buren and Tyler, 178 ; movement 
against, not understood by old 
statesmen, 234 ; Calhoun's theory 
of, in Territories, 239 ; decides elec- 
tion of 1848, 260 ; held by Cass to 
be impossible in Kansas, 297, 298; 
his error, 298 ; deplored by Cass in 
1854, 306. 

Slave trade, international treaty for 
suppression of, 179 ; considered by 
Cass to be a mere pretext for 
strengthening England's claim to 
right of search, 179 ; treaty con- 
demned by Cass in a pamplilet, 180 ; 



INDEX 



387 



■ protested against, 181 ; treaty re- 
fused ratification by France, 181 ; 
later plans to put down, 182 ; in 
Ashburton treaty, 188 ; abolished in 
District of Columbia, 283 ; move- 
ment in South to reopen, with Af- 
rica, 296, 330 ; attempts of England 
to prevent, in American waters, 
330, 331. 

Smith, W. L. G., hia life of Cass, 
quoted, 36. 

Soult5, Pierre, his connection with 
Ostend Manifesto, 313, 314. 

South, sectionally organized in 1800, 
53 ; brings on war of 1812, 55 ; 
refuses to recognize slavery as 
cause of inferiority, 143 ; desires 
to seize slaves among Seminoles, 
102 ; catechises Van Buren, 178 ; 
its overbearing manners, 199 ; tour 
of Clay in, 200 ; demands Texas for 
more slave territory, 211 ; opposes 
Van Buren after his letter on Texas, 
216, 217 ; gains control of Demo- 
cratic party, 217 ; not influenced by 
Clay's Alabama letter, 221 ; prefers 
Taylor to Cass in 1848, 260, 261 ; 
its aggressive policy alienates North- 
west, 265 ; furious at danger of los- 
ing control of Territories, 267 ; be- 
gins to look forward to disunion, 
268 ; plan of Calhoun to protect, 
279 ; opposes admission of Califor- 
nia, 281 ; does not appreciate effect 
of Fugitive Slave Law, 284 ; its 
peculiar view of popular sover- 
eignty, 294, 295 ; hopes to compete 
with North for Territories, 296 ; 
advocates reopening of slave trade, 
296 ; its desperation in 1854, 297 ; 
relies on commercial interests to 
control North, 303 ; denounces Cass 
for speaking disrespectfully of slav- 
ery, 306 ; desires to annex Cuba, 
313 ; favors filibustering, 316 ; ap- 
plauds Brooks's assault on Sumner, 
321 ; recognizes failure of popular 
sovereignty, 326 ; adopts Calhoun's 
dogma, 326 ; advocates reopening 
of slave trade, 330 ; plans to secede 
in 1860, 340 ; aided by Buchanan's 
cabinet, 340. 

South Carolina, opposes tariff, 142; 



threatens nullification, 143, 144; 
calls state convention, 144 ; adopts 
nullification ordinance, 145 ; pre- 
parations against violence in, 140- 
148 ; excitement in, over federal 
movements, 149 ; appealed to by 
Virginia, 150 ; postpones operation 
of ordinance, 150 ; gains point m 
compromise tariff, 151 ; prepares 
to secede in 1860, 340 ; controversy 
in Buchanan's cabinet over strength- 
ening forts in, 344-347 ; adopts ordi- 
nance of secession, 348. 

Southwest, Burr's plan to separate 
from Union, 47, 48 ; brings on war 
of 1812, 55. 

Spain, its claims to Oregon, 229. 

Spencer, Elizabeth, marries Cass, 51. 

Spencer, General , ancestor of 

Cass's wife, 51. 

Spoils system, significance of its intro- 
duction under Jackson, 138-140 ; in- 
timately connected with democracy, 
140. 

Stevenson, Andrew, minister to Eng- 
land, 176 ; criticised by Webster, 182. 

Storrs, Charles B., preaches anti-slav- 
ery doctrines, 258. 

Stuart, Charles E., presents anti-slav- 
ery resolutions of Michigan to Sen- 
ate, 312 ; refuses to follow them, 
313. 

Sumner, Charles, describes Cass's 
house in Paris, 194 ; his speech on 
Kansas, 318, 319 ; denounced by 
Cass and Douglas, 319 ; professes 
friendship for Cass, 319, 320 ; makes 
bitter reply to Douglas, 320 ; as- 
saulted by Brooks, 320. 

Supreme Court, its decision in Chero- 
kee case criticised by Jackson and 
Cass, 161 ; its Dred Scott decision, 
327. 

Taney, Roger B., attorney-general, 
137 ; as secretary of treasury, re- 
moves deposits from bank, 154. 

Tariff, considered sectional by South, 
142 ; in 1832, drives South Carolina 
into nullification, 143 ; compromise 
in 1833, proposed by Clay, 151 ; 
Cass's views on, 203 ; in campaign 
of 1844, 220. 



388 



INDEX 



Taylor, Zachary, ordered to occupy 
up to Rio Grande, 231 ; popular 
favorite in Mexican war, 246, 247 ; 
suitable candidate for president, 
247 ; suggested by Ward, 247 ; claims 
to be candidate of people, not of 
Whigs, 248 ; nominated, 248 ; oppo- 
sition to his nomination, 249, 250 ; 
preferred by Southern Democrats to 
Cass, 260, 261; inaugurated, 267; 
his attitude toward Territories, 267 ; 
suggests state organization to Cali- 
fornia, 268 ; recommends mildness, 
272 ; opposes Clay's compromise, 
281 ; his death and character, 282. 

Tecumseh, his schemes instigated by 
English, 57 ; defeated at Tippecanoe, 
58 ; taunts Proctor with cowardice, 
86 ; killed at battle of Thames, 87. 

Texas, its early history, 210 ; begin- 
ning of plan to annex, 211 ; annexa- 
tion, advocated by Tyler, 211 ; de- 
manded by South for slave terri- 
tory, 211, 212; question of, enters 
politics in 1843, 211, 212; alleged 
designs of England upon, stir up 
North, 212, 213; letters of Van 
Buren and Clay against, 212 ; let- 
ters of Jackson on, 213 ; Cass's ar- 
gument for its annexation, 213 ; 
really decides campaign of 1844, 
220 ; Clay's Alabama letter on, 221 ; 
annexed under Tyler and Calhoun, 
224 ; its boundaries cause war with 
Mexico, 231 ; its claims settled in 
compromise, 283. 

Thiers, Adolph, under Louis Philippe, 
173. 

Thompson, Jacob, secretary of the 
interior, 329 ; aids secessionists, 340 ; 
says Cass wishes to withdraw resig- 
nation, 348. 

TiflSn, Governor Edward, warned by 
Jefferson of Burr's schemes, 49 ; 
his message to legislature, 49 ; sug- 
gestion of Jefferson to, 50. 

Tilden, Samuel J., at Buffalo Conven- 
tion, 253. 

Toucey, Isaac, secretary of navy under 
Buchanan, 328. 

Tovni meeting, system follows New 
England settlers in Northwest, 255. 

Trent affair, 353, 354. 



Tyler, John, approves Cass's opposi- 
tion to slave-trade treaty, 182, 184 ; 
aids in Ashburton negotiations, 188 ; 
suggests slave-trade article, 188 ; 
reports to Senate correspondence 
between Cass and Webster, 190 ; 
agrees with Calhoun, 210 ; fails to 
create a personal party, 210 ; raises 
question of Texas, 211 ; works for 
annexation, 224. 

Underoroiind RA.ILK0AD, its influence 
in Northwest, 303. 

Upshur, A. P., secretary of state un- 
der Tyler, his policy toward Mexico 
and Texas, 211. 

Utah, receives territorial government, 
283. 

Van BtTKEN, Martin, in Hull court- 
martial, 83 ; his attentions to Mrs. 
Eaton, 135 ; gains Jackson's confi- 
dence, 136 ; resigns from cabinet, 
136 ; not responsible for spoils sys- 
tem, 139 ; called aristocrat in elec- 
tion of 1840, 156 ; questioned by 
slaveholders, 178 ; candidate for 
nomination in 1843, 204 ; his abil- 
ity as president, 204, 205 ; move- 
ment against his renomination, 205 ; 
damages chances for nomination 
by letter against Texas, 212, 213 ; 
letter of Jackson in favor of, 213 ; 
discarded by South, 216 ; dele- 
gates instructed to vote for, 217 ; 
defeated by two-thirds rule, 218 ; 
faction support of, in New York, 
240 ; leads friends to oppose ex- 
tension of slavery, 240 ; letter to 
Utica convention, 251 ; nominated 
by Barnburners, 251 ; denounced 
by Democrats, 252 ; nominated at 
Buffalo Convention, 253 ; vote for, 
in 1848, 256, 259, 260 ; classed by 
South with Cass and Benton, 307. 

Van Horn, , in Hull's campaign, 

74. 

Vermont, adopts Wilmot Proviso re- 
solutions, 233. 

Verplanck, Gulian C, introduces tariff 
bill, 151. 

Victoria, Queen, Cass present at her 
coronation, 170. 



INDEX 



389 



Vidal, Lieutenant , seizes deserter 

in Detroit, 103 ; arrested and turned 
over to Cass, 103, 104 ; his release 
demanded, 104; retained by Cass, 
104 ; tried and fined, 105. 

Virginia, its mediation in nullification 
controversy suggested, 149 ; sends 
envoy to South Carolina, 150. 

Von Hoist, H. C, accuses Cass of 
being led by political ambition in 
his protest to Guizot, 185. 

Walker, Robert J. , succeeds Geary as 
governor of Kansas, 325 ; persuades 
Free State men to abandon Topeka 
Constitution, 325. 

War Department, Cass's management 
of, in Black Hawk war, 141 ; in 
nullification excitement, 14C, 14S ; 
in Seminole war, 1G3, 1G4 ; other 
matters considered by, 1G4 ; ques- 
tion of Cass's efficiency in, 165, 166. 

War of 1812, a sectional contest, 54, 
55 ; brought on by Southwest and 
South, 55 ; popular in Northwest, 
55, 56 ; volunteers and militia called 
for, GO ; Hull's invasion of Canada, 
61-84 ; feeble conduct of, by Madi- 
son's administration, 62, 73, 82, 83 ; 
capture of Mackinaw, 72, 73 ; sur- 
render of Detroit, 79, 80 ; massacre 
at Fort Dearborn, 81 ; court-mar- 
tial of HuU, 82-84 ; massacre of 
River Raisin, 85 ; Perry's victory 
on Lake Erie, 86 ; Harrison's vic- 
tory at the Thames, 87 ; alliance 
with Indians, 92 ; ended by peace of 
Ghent, 94. 

War, Mexican, summary of its results, 
224 ; begun by Polk, 231 ; a "pirat- 
ical assault," 232. 

Wayne, Anthony, his campaign in 
West, 38. 

Webster, Andrew F., letter of Cass 
to, in 1855, 321. 

Webster, Daniel, reminiscences of 
Cass at school, 38 ; secretary of 
state under Harrison and Tyler, 
176 ; warned by Cass that England 
is preparing for war, 177 ; annoyed 
by Cass's advice, 177 ; controversy 
with Cass in Senate, 182 ; criticises 
Cass and Stevenson, 182 ; calls 



Cass's argument inconclusive, 183 
fails to grasp real principle, 183 
concludes Ashburton tre.aty, 187 
his position in cabinet, 187, 188 
sends Ashburton treaty to Cass, 
188 ; controversy with Cass over 
Ashburton treaty, 189-193 ; his ar- 
guments inferior to Cass's, 190 ; 
wrong in claiming that right of 
search is abandoned, 191 ; in this 
case not superior in reasoning to 
Cass, 192, 193 ; only statesman of 
period superior to Cass in debate, 
194 ; retires from State Department, 
211 ; opposes claims to Oregon, 
230 ; ujiable to estimate anti-slavery 
movement, 234 ; has no chance for 
nomination, 24G, 248 ; his 7th of 
March speech, 278 ; its effect in 
North, 278 ; candidate for nomina- 
tion in 1852, 289 ; his aims identical 
with Cass's, 363, 365. 

Weed, Thurlow, laments over Clay's 
Alabama letter, 221, 222 ; manages 
Taylor's campaign, 247, 248. 

Western Reserve, its survey in 1796, 
5 ; spirit of, contrasted with Michi- 
gan, 16 ; its anti-slavery spirit, 254, 
255, 258 ; later a stronghold of Re- 
publican party, 255; its vote in 
elections of 1844 and 1848, 256, 257 ; 
retains old New England ideas with 
modifications, 257 ; its Republican 
vote in 1854, 308. 

Western Reserve College, early anti- 
slavery sentiments in, 258. 

Wheaton, Henry, asserts that treaty 
of Washington led France to reject 
slave-trade treaty, 182 ; on effect of 
Cass's protest, 184. 

Whig party, profits by panic to defeat 
Van Buren, 155 ; carries Michigan, 
155 ; its strength in Ohio, 156 ; de- 
mands resignation of Webster from 
Tyler's cabinet, 187 ; doubts Cass's 
orthodoxy as a Democrat, 202 ; en- 
thusiastic for Clay in 1843, 208; 
nominates him, 216 ; its platform, 
216 ; delighted at nomination of 
Polk, 219 ; damaged by Clay's Texas 
letters, 221 ; carries Ohio, 223 ; de- 
feated in election, 223, 224 ; stunned 
at its defeat, 224; carries New 



390 



INDEX 



York in 1847, 243 ; its condition in 
1848, 245 ; chances of success, 246 ; 
tired of Clay as candidate, 246 ; 
favors Taylor over Webster and 
Scott, 246 ; vrishes to avoid territo- 
rial issues, 247 ; campaign in, for 
Taylor's nomination, 247, 248 ; in 
national convention, nominates Tay- 
lor, 248 ; refuses to adopt platform, 
249 ; anti-slavery members of, 249 ; 
protests in, against Taylor's nomi- 
nation, 250 ; gains only offices by 
election of Taylor, 264 ; its success 
means nothing in politics, 2G4 ; its 
national convention in 1852, 289; 
nominates Scott and indorses com- 
promise, 289, 290 ; discontent of 
Northern members of, 291 ; defeated 
in 1852, 291 ; necessity of its de- 
struction, 291, 292 ; retains organi- 
zation in East, 305 ; nominates Fill- 
more in 1856, 322. 

Whipple, Major, Cass's reply to, 92. 

White, Hugh Lawson, senator from 
Tennessee, refuses War Department, 
138. 

Wilkinson, James, betrays Burr to 
Jefferson, 49. 

Wilmot, David, offers anti-slavery 
amendment to Two-million bill, 232. 

Wilmot Proviso, its introduction and 
failure in Senate, 232 ; again passes 
House, 233 ; Cass's reasons for op- 



posing, 233, 274, 277 ; demanded by 
Northern state legislatures, 233. 

Wilson, Henry, refuses to support 
Taylor, 250. 

Winchester, General James, defeated 
in 1813, 85. 

Winnebagoes, war with, prevented in 
1827, 127, 128. 

Wisconsin, its slowness to be Ameri- 
canized, 2 ; discovery of, 4 ; settled 
by French, 6, 12, 13; character of 
life in, 13 ; governed by Cass, 115 ; 
explorations in, 121, 127, 128 ; Black 
Hawk war in, 141 ; adopts township 
system, 255; heavy Free-Soil vote 
in, 260 ; forms Republican party, 
305. 

Witherell, Judge James, leads Michi- 
gan militia to aid Hull, 64. 

Woodbury, Levi, secretary of navy, 
137. 

Woodward, Judge Augustus B. , on an- 
cestry of Canadians, 14 ; founder of 
University of Michigan, 27. 

Wright, Silas, accepts nomination for 
governor in 1844, 241 ; said to have 
elected Polk, 241. 

Yancey, W. L., offers non-interfer- 
ence resolution in Democratic con- 
vention, 244. 

I Zane, Ebenezeb, cuts post-road, 44. 



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